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Law and Politics
Reference:

The President of the Russian Federation through the lens of sociological surveys.

Khairullina Liliya Il'dusovna

ORCID: 0000-0003-4700-4335

Lecturer; Department of Economics and Management; Kazan Cooperative Institute (branch) of the autonomous non-profit educational organization of Higher education of the Central Union of the Russian Federation 'Russian University of Cooperation'
Postgraduate student; Institute of Philosophy and Socio-Political Sciences; Federal State Autonomous Institution of Higher Education 'Southern Federal University'

420137, Russia, Rep. 44 Adoratsky St., Kazan, Tatarstan

hliliyai@mail.ru
Other publications by this author
 

 

DOI:

10.7256/2454-0706.2025.4.73950

EDN:

FRUUVE

Received:

02-04-2025


Published:

15-05-2025


Abstract: The aim of the article is to reveal the process of the personalization of presidential power through identifying the dynamics of public approval of the activities of the President of the Russian Federation. The correlation of indicators with the social well-being of the population and events in the country are considered components of this process. The subject of the research is presidential power. The focus of the study is the personalization of presidential power based on secondary analysis of sociological studies conducted by leading Russian sociological services. The methodological basis of the research includes conceptual, comparative, and event analyses; historical methods; and a neo-institutional approach. The research method is secondary sociological analysis based on data from leading Russian sociological services. The process of the personalization of the president is examined through the dynamics of public approval of the activities of the President of the Russian Federation. The data is analyzed for the period from 2000 to 2024. The scientific novelty of the study lies in the results obtained, which show that data from various sociological centers regarding the support for the president and the social well-being of citizens correlate. Furthermore, the personality of the head of state plays a significant role. The institution of the presidency is perceived as a crucial link in the system of state power; it has established itself as a political institution, and the person occupying this position is perceived by society in a personalized manner. At the same time, society, in reality, has little influence on state power and is willing to submit to the authority of power, thereby distancing itself from politics. The materials of the article have practical value for identifying problems and contradictions in the field of public administration in Russia and will also be of interest to political scientists, sociologists, political technologists, and consultants.


Keywords:

President of the Russian Federation, presidential power, V. V. Putin, public opinion, approval of activities, trust, rating, social well-being, personification, sociological centers

This article is automatically translated. You can find original text of the article here.

Introduction

In the modern world, presidential power is an important element of the political systems of most states, but each country itself determines the role that the president plays in its political life. The president holds a special place in Russia's political system. His constitutionally established status and powers determine his leading place in the hierarchy of political institutions. This implies the possibility of influencing the formation and implementation of public policy, the management of political, socio-economic processes. In other words, the President's powers include the full power and work of state institutions, and any important political and economic decisions in the country are made personally by the president himself.

The President's influence resources are not limited to formal rights and powers. It is quite obvious that today the president has become the personification of Russia both for the population and for the world community. The presidential power is perceived by society not so much as a political institution, but as the main person of the state. The personification of presidential power in modern Russia is an urgent scientific problem.

The purpose of this article is to show the process of personification of presidential power through the relationship with the personality of the President of the Russian Federation, as well as the perception of this personality by citizens of the Russian Federation. To achieve this goal, the author conducts a frequency analysis of the attitude of the population towards the President of the Russian Federation and his activities; provides frequency characteristics of the social well-being of the population; conducts an event analysis of key events in the country, presumably affecting the change in the level of public approval of the activities of the President of the Russian Federation.

Literary review

In world science, presidential power is studied from the point of view of various theoretical approaches, where most often attention is focused on the consideration of the legal status of the president in the political system, the leadership qualities of a particular president and his personal influence. From our point of view, the issue of scientific research on the personification of presidential power in Russia is of particular topical interest. The literature used in the article can be divided into two groups.

The first group consists of works that focus on the issue of political power and its functioning. Among the most famous, it is necessary to single out the studies of V. V. Zheltov and M. V. Zheltov [1]; A.Y. Mamychev [2]; V.E. Chirkin [3]; I. V. Ivanov [4]; S.A. Ercan, C.M. Hendriks, J.S. Dryzek [5], J.M. Lewis, M. McGann, E. Blomkamp [6], M. Howlett, N.Sreeja [7].

The second group includes studies on the presidency and the personification of power, among which are the studies of the authors M.A. Kazakov [8]; M.A. Krasnov [9]; Domrin A. N. [10]; A. K. Deniev [11]; I. Çinar, S. Stokes and A. Uribe [12].

An analysis of the literature shows that the concepts of "president" and "personification" are studied in various areas of modern science and practice, while there are no works devoted to the study of the conceptual aspects of the personification of presidential power in modern Russia.

Materials and methods

The methodological basis of the research is comparative analysis, event analysis, and the historical method.

Comparative analysis is used to compare, compare, and highlight common and special aspects in the results of various sociological centers on the support of the President of the Russian Federation and the social well-being of citizens.

As part of the event analysis, the dynamics of the approval level of the President of the Russian Federation, as well as key events in Russia for a specific time period, are being studied.

Within the framework of the historical method, the level of approval of the activities of the President of the Russian Federation and attitudes towards him over a relatively long period of time is studied.

The research method is secondary sociological analysis. The author used the data of the leading Russian sociological services – the Yuri Levada Analytical Center (Levada Center) (ANO Levada Center dated September 5, 2016. entered by the Ministry of Justice of the Russian Federation into the register of non-profit organizations performing the functions of a foreign agent), the All-Russian Center for the Study of Public Opinion (VTsIOM) and the Public Opinion Foundation for the period 2000 – 2024 During these years, the principle of "stability" was largely implemented, which had a significant impact on the formation of a personalized image of the President of Russia.

Results

The Levada Center's website (inoagent) provides monthly data on the level of approval of V. V. Putin's activities as President of the Russian Federation from 2000 to 2007 (The level of approval of V. Putin's activities as President of Russia [Electronic resource] // Analytical Center of Yuri Levada (Levada Center). - URL: http://www.levada.ru/prez07.html (accessed: 12/04/2024)) and from 2012 to the present (monthly survey with a sample of 1,600 respondents) (January 2025 ratings: sentiments, assessments of the state of affairs in the country, approval of authorities, trust in politicians [Electronic resource] // Analytical Center of Yuri Levada (Levada Center). - URL: https://www.levada.ru/2025/01/30/rejtingi-yanvarya-2025-goda-nastroeniya-otsenki-polozheniya-del-v-strane-odobrenie-organov-vlasti-doverie-politikam / (date of access: 02/23/2025)), as well as monthly data on the level of approval of Dmitry Medvedev's activities as President of the Russian Federation from May 2008 to 2011. (monthly survey with a sample of 1,600 respondents) (The level of approval of Dmitry Medvedev's activities as President of Russia [Electronic resource] // Analytical Center of Yuri Levada (Levada Center). - URL: http://www.levada.ru/prezident.html (accessed: 12/04/2024); January approval ratings and assessments of the state of affairs in the country [Electronic resource] // Analytical Center of Yuri Levada (Levada Center). - URL: http://www.levada.ru/press/2010020802.html (accessed: 02/19/2024); December approval and Trust ratings [Electronic resource]: Press release dated 12/23/2010 // Analytical Center of Yuri Levada (Levada Center). - URL: http://www.levada.ru/23-12-2010/dekabrskie-reitingi-odobreniya-i-doveriya (accessed: 01/31/2024); December approval and Trust ratings [Electronic resource]: Press release dated 12/22/2011 // Analytical Center of Yuri Levada (Levada Center). - URL: http://www.levada.ru/22-12-2011/dekabrskie-reitingi-odobreniya-i-doveriya (date of access: 31.01.2024)). For the analysis, we use data for the last month of each year, on the basis of which we will build a diagram (Fig. 1).

The arrival of a young, active government leader, who was very different from the sickly, slow-moving, and unpopular Boris Yeltsin, encouraged Russians, and already in the first year of his presidency, Vladimir Putin received significant popular support in advance [13]. According to our chart, from December 2000 to December 2003, there was an increase in the level of approval of the President's activities: from 68% in 2000 to 84% in 2003. Accordingly, the proportion of those who disapprove of the President's activities is decreasing among the surveyed population: from 23% to 14%.

In 2004, there was a decline in the indicator: 69% of the surveyed population expressed approval of Vladimir Putin's activities, while 28% disapproved. The ratio obtained was almost equal to that of December 2000, i.e. the beginning of Vladimir Putin's presidential term, when the country's population was still wary of the new President.

Figure 1 – Dynamics of approval of the activities of the President of the Russian Federation

In 2005 – 2007, the level of approval of the Russian President's activities increased from 73% to 87%, and the level of disapproval decreased from 25% to 12%.

In March 2008, Dmitry Medvedev replaced Vladimir Putin as president. In 2008, according to the Levada Center (inoagent), there was again a decline in the level of approval of the President's activities. In December, 76% of the population approved of President Dmitry Medvedev's activities and 21% disapproved. The 2009 rating is approximately at the same level (with a slight increase).

In 2010 – 2011, this indicator declined from 75% to 57%, and the percentage of those who disapprove increased (from 22% to 42%).

It was only in the period from 2012 to 2013, when Vladimir Putin returned to the presidency, that the stability of this indicator was noted: 65% of Russians approving versus 34% disapproving. But a sharp positive jump occurs by the end of 2014. As we can see, towards the end of 2015, Russians' approval of the President reached its maximum value over the past six years of measurements conducted by the Levada Center (inoagent): 85% of Russians approving against 14% disapproving of Vladimir Putin's activities.

In 2016-2018, the indicator is declining – from 84% to 66%, respectively, the percentage of those who disapprove is increasing (from 15% to 33%). Further, the rating remains at approximately the same level until the end of 2021.

In 2022-2024, the level of approval of the Russian President's activities is growing from 81% to 87%, and the level of disapproval is decreasing from 17% to 10%.

Discussion

To understand the reasons for the increase and decline in the approval rate of the President, let's compare the result with the results of other national polls.

The Public Opinion Foundation conducts an annual survey in which it asks respondents to name several modern Russian politicians whom they personally treat positively, with trust and, on the contrary, negatively, with distrust. We focused on only one politician, President Vladimir Putin. The annual data for the period we are analyzing is shown in the diagram (Fig. 2).

A 2000 survey (interviewing at the place of residence on December 23-24 with a sample of 1,500 respondents) showed that 39% of respondents viewed Vladimir Putin positively and distrustfully and 3% negatively (Indicators – 12/27/2000. Graphs [Electronic resource] // FOM database. - URL: http://bd.fom.ru/report/cat/polit/rat_good/confidence_politician_2000/dd003604 (date of access: 02/27/2024)). In 2004 (interviews at the place of residence on December 18-19 with a sample of 3,000 respondents), 29% of the surveyed population trusted and 3% did not trust (Indicators – 12/23/2004. Population survey [Electronic resource] // FOM database. - URL: http://bd.fom.ru/report/cat/polit/rat_good/confidence_politician_2004/dd045101 (date of access: 02/27/2024)). In the period from 2005 to 2007 inclusive, there was an increase in the level of positive attitude, with confidence in Russian President Vladimir Putin. In 2008, there was a slight decrease in the level of trust in Vladimir Putin (Indicators – 02/07/2008. Charts [Electronic resource] // FOM database. - URL: http://bd.fom.ru/report/cat/polit/rat_good/confidence_politician_08/d080601 (date of access: 02/27/2024)).

Figure 2 – Dynamics of attitudes towards the President of the Russian Federation, Vladimir Putin

In 2009, when Vladimir Putin held the post of Prime Minister of the Russian Federation, there was a sharp positive trend in attitudes: 69% trust and 10% distrust from residents. However, further, until the end of 2013. (Political indicators – 02/21/2013 [Electronic resource] // FOM database - URL: http://bd.fom.ru/report/cat/pres/putin_/rating_Putin/d071301 (accessed: 09/26/2024); Political indicators – 09/04/2014 [Electronic resource] // FOM database. - URL: http://bd.fom.ru/report/map/dominant/dom3514/d351401 (date of access: 09/26/2024); V. Putin: rating, attitude, job ratings [Electronic resource] // FOM database. - URL: http://fom.ru/Politika/10946#tab_02 (date of request: 09/26/2024)) The level of trust is constantly decreasing: from 65% to 16% and from 12% to 11% (and in 2012 – 23%). Only by the end of 2014 (3,000 respondents participated in the survey) did the curve creep up to 38% of those who trusted and 3% of those who distrusted.

In the period from 2015 to 2017 inclusive, there was a stable level of positive attitude, with confidence in Russian President Vladimir Putin (40%).

In 2018, there was a sharp decline in the level of trust in Vladimir Putin to 26%.

Since 2019, the curve has crept up to 58% among those who trust, compared with 35% of those who do not trust, and held this stable indicator until the end of 2021.

In the period from 2022 to 2024 inclusive (despite a slight decrease in 2024), there has been an increase in the level of trust in Russian President Vladimir Putin.

According to VTsIOM, the Russian President consistently ranks first in a survey of Russians about the main political figure of the past year. For example, at the end of 2003, 2007, 2014 and 2024 (Antipova N. Russians celebrate the New Year without pink glasses [Electronic resource] // VTSIOM thematic archive. - URL: http://wciom.ru/arkhiv/tematicheskii-arkhiv/item/single/9482.html?no_cache=1&cHash=be566527da (date of access: 01/15/2024); Results of the year and plans for the next [Electronic resource] // VTSIOM thematic archive. - URL: https://wciom.ru/analytical-reviews/analiticheskii-obzor/itogi-goda-i-plany-na-sleduyushhij (date of request: 12/01/2024); People of the Year – 2024: politicians, athletes, writers [Electronic resource] // VTsIOM. - URL: https://wciom.ru/analytical-reviews/analiticheskii-obzor/ljudi-goda-2024-politiki-sportsmeny-pisateli (accessed: 02/25/2025)) the majority of Russian respondents named President Vladimir Putin as the politician of the year (61% in 2003, 87% in 2007, 71% in 2014, 50% in 2024).

Let's see how these data, according to the President's assessment, coincide with the population's assessment of the results of a given year. According to All-Russian surveys by the Levada Center (inoagent), the Russian population estimated the time periods 2000-2003, 2005-2007, 2013-2014, and 2022-2024 individually with the following indicators: 2000 (1,600 respondents surveyed) was the least difficult year for the population compared to the previous one: for 38% the year of the population was the same as the previous one; for 36% it was more difficult, and 26% of the population noted that it became easier (Levada Yu.A. 2000: disappointments and hopes [Electronic resource]: Press release dated 12/26/2000 // Analytical Center of Yuri Levada (Levada Center). - URL: http://www.levada.ru/press/2000122600.html (accessed 12/28/2024)). The year 2003 was rated the same as the previous one by 49% of the surveyed population, more difficult by 24% and easier by 27% (Russians about what the outgoing year was like [Electronic resource]: Press release dated 12/28/2013 // Analytical Center of Yuri Levada (Levada Center). - URL: http://www.levada.ru/28-12-2013/rossiyane-o-tom-kakim-byl-ukhodyashchii-god (date of access: 01.10.2024)). In 2005, less than half of Russians (45%) believed that it turned out to be the same for them as the previous one; for every third (34%) it turned out to be more difficult than the previous one, for the fifth (21%) it was easier (Golov A. Estimates of the outgoing year [Electronic resource]: Press release dated 12/28/2005 // Analytical Center of Yuri Levada (Levada Center). - URL: http://www.levada.ru/press/2005122802.html (accessed 12/28/2024)). In 2007, 44% of the population noted that the year turned out to be the same for them as the previous one; for 30% it was easier and for 26% it was more difficult than the previous one (2007 in the estimates of the population [Electronic resource]: Press release dated 12/27/2007 // Analytical Center of Yuri Levada (Levada Center). - URL: http://www.levada.ru/press/2007122703.html (date of access: 18.01.2024)). In 2013, 47% of Russians rated the year the same as the previous one, 23% – easier and 30% – more difficult than the previous one (Russians about what the outgoing year was like [Electronic resource]: Press release dated 12/28/2013 // Analytical Center of Yuri Levada (Levada Center). - URL: http://www.levada.ru/28-12-2013/rossiyane-o-tom-kakim-byl-ukhodyashchii-god (date of access: 01.10.2024)). 2014 turned out to be more difficult for 57% of the population than the previous one, for 12% it was easier, and for 31% the year was the same as the previous one (Half of Russians consider 2014 to be more successful than 2013 [Electronic resource] // Online publication "We are watching". - URL: https://smotrim.ru/article/1811525 (date of access: 12/25/2024)). 2022 was rated the same as the previous year by 20% of the surveyed population, 76% more difficult and 4% easier (The results of 2022 in the view of Russians [Electronic resource]: Press release dated 12/26/2022 // Analytical Center of Yuri Levada (Levada Center). - URL: https://www.levada.ru/2022/12/26/strong-itogi-2022-goda-v-predstavlenii-rossiyan-strong / (date of access: 03/01/2025)). For half of the respondents (55%), 2024 turned out to be the same as the previous one, for a third of the respondents (35%) – more difficult than the previous one, for one in ten (10%) – easier (Results of 2024: mass assessments, main events, heroes of the year, films and TV series [Electronic resource]: Press release dated 12/23/2024 // Analytical Center of Yuri Levada (Levada Center). - URL: https://www.levada.ru/2024/12/23/itogi-2024-goda-massovye-otsenki-glavnye-sobytiya-geroi-goda-filmy-i-serialy / (date of access: 03/07/2025)). Thus, there is a certain sense of optimism in society in the periods 2000-2003, 2005-2007, 2013-2014 and 2022-2024.

To identify the reasons for the decline in the level of approval of the president's activities in 2004, 2008, 2011 and 2018, we turned to the reports of the Russian International Information Agency RIA Novosti, which is the most cited Russian source of information in the media and on social networks (The leading Russian news agency and news site [Electronic resource] // RIA Novosti. - URL: https://россиясегодня .рф/brand/3300.html (date of access: 12/25/2024)).

2004, 2008, 2011 and 2018 were rich in various political events. Thus, in 2004, V. V. Putin was elected to a second presidential term in the first round; the reform of the regional electoral system; the transition to a proportional system of elections to the State Duma; the beginning of the process of consolidation of regions in Russia, etc. (RIA Novosti's choice: Ten of the most significant events of the past year in Russian politics [Electronic resource] // RIA Novosti. - URL: http://rian.ru/politics/20041228/773247.html (date of access: 12/25/2024)). In 2008, the President was replaced, Dmitry Medvedev was elected President of the First Deputy Prime Minister of the Russian Federation; Vladimir Putin was appointed Prime Minister; amendments were introduced to the Constitution of the Russian Federation to extend the term of office of the president, etc. In 2011, the tandem decided that Vladimir Putin would be the presidential candidate, the Duma elections and the protests that accompanied them, plans to create a "big government", reforms of the country's political system, etc. (RIA Novosti's Choice: The main events in Russian Politics in 2011 [Electronic resource] // RIA Novosti. - URL: http://ria.ru/politics/20111219/520600477.html (date of request: 02.10.2024)). In 2018, the election of the President of the Russian Federation and the record result of V. V. Putin, the subsequent reshuffle in the government, etc. (The results of the year in politics: Putin's victory and unresolved issues with the West] // RIA Novosti. - URL: https://ria.ru/20181217/1548086413.html (date of request: 03/02/2025)).

The main events that presumably influenced the decrease in the level of public approval of the President's activities were the following. In 2004, there was a series of major terrorist attacks in Russia (hostage–taking in Beslan, terrorist attacks at metro stations in Moscow, on airplanes), which is also confirmed by VTSIOM surveys conducted monthly during 2004 (about 1,600 people were interviewed each time based on a representative sample). If Russians' hopes and expectations were particularly high in March, the month of the Russian presidential election, then by the end of the year, against the background of a fairly stable level of assessments of their own adaptability to what was happening, optimism about the prospects diminished somewhat, and September, the month of the Beslan tragedy, became the turning point for the worse. December, contrary to popular beliefs that the approach of the New Year holidays always gives a positive impetus to the mood of citizens, was marked this time by a further decrease in most indicators of social well-being, not excluding the assessment of one's own life prospects in a year (Russian Public Sentiment Index: results of 2004 [Electronic resource]: Press Release No.145 // VTSIOM thematic archive. - URL: http://wciom.ru/arkhiv/tematicheskii-arkhiv/item/single/1041.html?no_cache=1&cHash=af8d45cd2c (date of access: 12/30/2024)).

In addition, the Public Opinion Foundation conducted an All-Russian survey (interviewing at the place of residence on October 2, 2004 with a sample of 1,500 respondents) to identify situations where V. V. Putin's behavior could disappoint (Petrov A. Who and what disappointed V. Putin [Electronic resource] // FOM database. - URL: http://bd.fom.ru/report/cat/pres/putin_/estimate_errata/of043906 (date of access: 12/30/2024)). The results were as follows: 48% of our fellow citizens did not mention such situations. This was most often stated by those who voted for United Russia in the parliamentary elections (60%) and for Vladimir Putin in the presidential elections (55%), as well as rural residents (56%) and respondents aged 18 to 35 (54%).

A third of Russians (34%) said that they had been disappointed by Vladimir Putin's behavior. Respondents who voted for the SPS or Yabloko (68%), the Communist Party (57%) and Rodina (43%), residents of Moscow (47%) and the Southern Federal District (48%), and respondents with higher education (45%) said this more often than others.) and people aged 36 to 55 years (42%). These respondents were asked to identify exactly which situations they had in mind.

Most often, people's disappointment is related to the President's behavior during and after the most high-profile terrorist attacks, as well as the fact that these attacks were not prevented and terrorism continues (7%). 4% of the survey participants expressed disappointment that the war in Chechnya has not stopped. The same number of respondents noted that the standard of living remains low, prices are rising faster than salaries and pensions. In their opinion, Vladimir Putin "has done nothing for the people."

In addition, 2% disapproved of the abolition of social benefits. The disappointment of 4% of respondents is due to the fact that in many cases V. V. Putin did not behave decisively and harshly enough (weak fight against corruption and crime; does not fight the oligarchs, did not judge Boris Yeltsin for the collapse of Russia; not everything planned was done).

The disapproving attitude towards the president's activities in 2008 is most likely due to the change of the person holding the position of president and the adaptation of society to the new leader, as well as the global financial and economic crisis. In a number of regions of the Russian Federation, 2008 began with an increase in food prices, and in October – December it was marked by a new round of social tension: the consequences of the global crisis turned into problems in the real sector of the economy, immediately affecting ordinary citizens.

According to VTSIOM data (an initiative survey on December 6-7, 2008 with a sample of 1,600 people) on the economic results of the year in the estimates of Russians, the majority of our compatriots (75%) show concern about the crisis that has begun (40% are very concerned about it, 35% are alarmed, but not much). One in five (21%) says that this topic does not bother them, 15% report that they are almost not bothered by this problem, 6% – that they are absolutely not bothered (Socio-economic results of the year: people, money, work [Electronic resource]: Press Release No. 1123 // VTSIOM press releases. - URL: http://wciom.ru/novosti/press-vypuski/press-vypusk/single/11138.html (date of access: 18.01.2024)).

In our opinion, the sharp decline in approval of the President's activities in 2011 was caused by numerous protests following the election of deputies to the State Duma in December 2011. According to a VTsIOM survey conducted on December 17-18, 2011 (1,600 people were interviewed), Russians call the parliamentary elections and rallies against their results one of the loudest scandals of this year (2011 results: opinion of Russians [Electronic resource]: Press Release No. 1914 // VTsIOM Press Releases. - URL: http://wciom.ru/index.php?id=459&uid=112247 (date of access: 09.10.2024)). It was dissatisfaction with the election results that gradually transformed into dissatisfaction with the government, in particular with the activities of the President. At the same time, as another VTsIOM poll shows (Protesters in Moscow: who, why and how came to Sakharov Avenue on Saturday? [Electronic resource]: Press Release No. 1914 // VTsIOM Press Releases. - URL: http://wciom.ru/index.php?id=459&uid=112274 (date of appeal: 09.10.2024)), the main reason for participation in the rally is disagreement with the results of the elections to the State Duma (32%), but the second most important reason is protest against the authorities (15%). This is followed by such motives as the desire to show an active civic position (12%), the desire to speak out against lies and lawlessness (9%), the desire for a better life (5%), etc. Also, from our point of view, the President's approval rating in 2011 was influenced by the decision and public announcement that Vladimir Putin would be the presidential candidate. The population who believed in tandem experienced some disappointment due to the fact that the scenario of all three years of D. A. Medvedev's presidency was thought out in advance and the opinion of the population no longer plays any role.

The disapproving attitude towards the President's activities in 2018 is most likely due to a multitude of tragic and high-profile incidents, including: the fire at the Winter Cherry shopping center in Kemerovo, the massacre at the Kerch Polytechnic College, and the detention of one of the influential generals of the Investigative Committee of the Russian Federation, A. Drymanova, as well as mass inspections due to torture in the colonies (RIA Novosti's choice: the main incidents of 2018 in Russia. Part I [Electronic resource] // RIA Novosti. - URL: https://ria.ru/20250308/katar-2003751065.html (date of request: 02/27/2025)). In addition, the increase in the retirement age had a special impact on the presidential rating: up to 60 years for women and up to 65 years for men. Despite the fact that the legislators cited an increase in life expectancy and a decrease in the number of employees as the main reason for the increase, the population reacted very negatively to this innovation. According to the results of the FOM (a representative survey on June 24, 2018 with a sample of 1,500 people), 80% of respondents have a negative attitude towards the prospect of raising the retirement age (Russians' attitude towards raising the retirement age [Electronic resource] // Public Opinion Foundation. - URL: https://fom.ru/Ekonomika/14104 (date of request: 03/08/2025)).

As for the well-being of the Russian population, according to the Levada Center (inoagent), the leap year of 2004 was recognized by Russians as more difficult for each family individually than the previous one: it turned out to be more difficult for 40% (in 2003, this figure was only 24%), easier for 19% (27%) (Results of the year. What has the outgoing year brought to Russians...? [Electronic resource]: Press release dated 12/27/2004 // Analytical Center of Yuri Levada (Levada Center). - URL: http://www.levada.ru/press/2004122701.html (date of access: 12/30/2024)). 2008 turned out to be more difficult for 44% of the surveyed population than the previous one (26%) (2007 in population estimates [Electronic resource]: Press release dated 12/27/2007 // Analytical Center of Yuri Levada (Levada Center). - URL: http://www.levada.ru/press/2007122703.html (date of access: 01/18/2024)), easier for 18% (30%) and the same as the previous one for 38% of the population (44%) (Results of 2008 [Electronic resource]: Press release dated 12/30/2008 // Analytical Center of Yuri Levada (Levada Center). - URL: http://www.levada.ru/press/2008123002.html (date of access: 18.01.2024)). 2011 was for 29% of Russians more difficult than the previous one (41%), easier for 22% and the same as the previous one for 49% (Russians about what the outgoing year was like [Electronic resource]: Press Release dated 12/28/2013 // Analytical Center of Yuri Levada (Levada Center). - URL: http://www.levada.ru/28-12-2013/rossiyane-o-tom-kakim-byl-ukhodyashchii-god (date of access: 01.10.2024)). 2018 was more difficult for 38% of Russians than the previous one (33%), easier for 13% and the same as the previous one for 50% (Events and assessments of the outgoing year [Electronic resource]: Press Release dated 12/24/2018 // Analytical Center of Yuri Levada (Levada Center). - URL: https://www.levada.ru/2018/12/24/sobytiya-i-otsenki-uhodyashhego-goda / (date of access: 03/07/2025)).

Conclusion

The first quarter of the 21st century was marked by the high rating of the President of the Russian Federation. Vladimir Putin was recognized by Russian society and the international community as the Russian national leader.

The data from various sociological centers on the support of the President and the social well-being of citizens coincide: Russians associate positive dynamics in life with the contribution and effective work of the President of the Russian Federation. The formal official status, fixed in norms and rules, which ensures power, is complemented by an informal one, based on a person's personal qualities. The recognition of the President as a national leader turned out to be closely linked, even merged with the name of Vladimir Putin. In this sense, it can be concluded that the institution of the presidency is perceived as the most important link in the system of state power, it has taken place as a political institution, and the person holding this position is perceived by society in a personalized way.

References
1. Zheltov, V. V., & Zheltov, M. V. (2022). Power: nature, genesis, diversity: monograph. FLINTA. Retrieved March 20, 2025, from https://znanium.com/catalog/product/1891147
2. Mamychev, A. Yu. (2025). State power in the sociocultural organization of modern society: theoretical and methodological aspects of political-legal transformation: monograph. RIOR: INFRA-M. Retrieved March 20, 2025, from https://znanium.ru/catalog/product/2155756
3. Chirkov, V. E. (2022). Legislative power: monograph. Norma: INFRA-M. Retrieved March 22, 2025, from https://znanium.ru/catalog/product/1216474
4. Ivanov, I. V. (2023). Principles of interaction between state power and public power in a unified system of public power of the Russian Federation. Education and Law, 7, 20-23. https://doi.org/10.24412/2076-1503-2023-7-20-23
5. Ercan, S. A., Hendriks, C. M., & Dryzek, J. S. (2019). Public deliberation in an era of communicative plenty. Policy & Politics, 47(1), 19. https://doi.org/10.1332/030557318X15200933925405
6. Lewis, J. M., McGann, M., & Blomkamp, E. (2020). When design meets power: design thinking, public sector innovation and the politics of policymaking. Policy & Politics, 48(1), 111-130. https://doi.org/10.1332/030557319X15579230420081
7. Howlett, M., & Sreeja, N. (2017). Policy myopia as a source of policy failure: adaptation and policy learning under deep uncertainty. Policy & Politics, 45(1), 103-118. https://doi.org/10.1332/030557316X14788776017743
8. Kazakov, M. A. (2018). Personification as a trend in modern political leadership: features of manifestation and perception. Bulletin of Nizhny Novgorod University named after N. I. Lobachevsky. Series: Social Sciences, 1, 54-61.
9. Krasnov, M. A. (2006). Personalist regime in Russia: experience of institutional analysis. Liberal Mission Foundation.
10. Domrin, A. N. (2022). American elite and presidential power: history, politics, law: popular science edition. KMK. Retrieved March 20, 2025, from https://znanium.ru/catalog/product/2136216
11. Deniyeva, A. K. (2022). Administration of the President of the Russian Federation: political-communicative practices: monograph (2nd ed.). Publishing Center RGGU. Retrieved March 22, 2025, from https://znanium.ru/catalog/product/1913717
12. Çinar, I., Stokes, S., & Uribe, A. (2020). Presidential rhetoric and populism. Presidential Studies Quarterly, 50, 240-263. https://doi.org/10.1111/psq.12656
13. Khayrullina, L. I., & Idiatullina, K. S. (2011). The President of the Russian Federation in the mirror of public opinion. Bulletin of Economics, Law and Sociology, 2, 208-213.

First Peer Review

Peer reviewers' evaluations remain confidential and are not disclosed to the public. Only external reviews, authorized for publication by the article's author(s), are made public. Typically, these final reviews are conducted after the manuscript's revision. Adhering to our double-blind review policy, the reviewer's identity is kept confidential.
The list of publisher reviewers can be found here.

The subject of the peer-reviewed study is the personification of presidential power in Russia. Given the special position that Vladimir Putin's personality occupies in the political system of modern Russia, the scientific relevance of the topic chosen by the author for research should be recognized as very high. However, the key of the work chosen by the author cannot but raise questions. Thus, the author seeks to show the process of personification of presidential power in Russia "through revealing the dynamics of the level of public approval of the activities of the President of the Russian Federation." And how can you show one through the other? How are the level of public approval of the president/Prime Minister/tsar/governor, etc., and the personification of this position related? By itself, the approval by the population of the activities of one or another representative of the government speaks only about the level of approval of the activities of this representative. The author states that he analyzes the correlations of this indicator with other indicators, in particular, with the social well-being of the population, as well as with key events in the country. Even if we ignore the disparity of these indicators (how can we analyze a statistical indicator of well-being with a historical indicator of an event? it would be more correct to analyze the indicator of well-being with an indicator of estimates of historical events), the problem remains the fact that there is no correlation analysis in the reviewed article. There is a frequency analysis of attitudes towards the activities of the President of the Russian Federation, frequency characteristics of estimates of the Russian population of the results of a given year are given, and then an event analysis of key events is carried out, PRESUMABLY affecting the change in the attitude of the population to the past period. But there is no analysis of the correlations between these variables in the article. Therefore, the alleged links between historical events, as well as between the dynamics of assessments of Russians' well-being and their attitude towards the President of the Russian Federation, cannot be considered proven. Accordingly, the goal set in the introduction to show the process of personification of presidential power in Russia "through revealing the dynamics of the level of public approval of the activities of the President of the Russian Federation" cannot be considered realized. The author should more carefully pose the scientific problem he was solving, think over the methodology of his research and implement this methodology on the collected empirical material. At the same time, the personification of the office of the President of the Russian Federation should be analyzed through connections with the personality (that's why it is a "personification"!) of Vladimir Putin, as well as with the perception of this personality by citizens of the Russian Federation. There are no traces of the use of neo-institutional analysis in the work: despite the author's statements that this approach allowed him to "show the place and role of the institution of the presidency of the Russian Federation in the modern political system and society," this is nowhere found in the text itself. Thus, at the moment it is not possible to evaluate the novelty of the results obtained by the author due to insufficient evidence of these results. Structurally, the reviewed work makes a similar impression: the author strives to use the IMRAD structure, which is widespread in world science, but confuses the sections "Results", where the results of the analysis should actually be presented, and "Discussion", where there should be an assessment of what these results mean for modern science and what are the prospects for further research. The style of the reviewed article is generally scientific and analytical. There are a number of stylistic and grammatical errors in the text (for example, the title of the article "The President of the Russian Federation through the prism of sociological measurements" is not very stylistically correct) – it is not specific enough (how can a person and his "sociological measurements" be identified? why not specify what exactly we are talking about: the perception of the President of the Russian Federation, his rating, image, etc.?); or uncoordinated proposals: "... Attention is focused on considering the legal status of the president in the political system, the leadership qualities of a particular president and his personal influence ...", "The correlation of these indicators ... They are considered as ..." and others; or typos: "works devoted to the study of the conceptual aspects of personification"; and others), but in general it is written more or less competently. Nevertheless, there are questions about some of the author's statements. Thus, the maxim "in the modern world, presidential power is an integral element of the political systems of most states" simply does not correspond to reality: even if we assume that 130 states with presidents are the majority of the 195 in the modern world, this political institution is by no means "integral." There are many countries that do without a president, and there are many countries in which the president has very symbolic functions. In addition, nothing prevents a country from abandoning the institution of the presidency and, for example, restoring the monarchy, as has happened many times in history. So the institution of the presidency cannot be considered an "integral element of political systems." It is also unclear why we should duplicate the data and their presentation: "For analysis, we use the data for the last month of each year, put them in Table 1 and build a diagram based on it (Fig. 1)." Why give a table if the same data is presented in a diagram? The same applies to the second table, to which the second diagram is attached. Tables can be shortened by using diagrams. The bibliography includes 52 titles and adequately reflects the state of research on the subject of the article. An appeal to the opponents takes place during the literature review. To summarize, we can say the following. The article proposed for review is devoted to a relevant topic and strives to solve quite interesting scientific problems. But at the moment, the author has not been able to solve these problems. He should carefully consider the methodology that he applied and correctly analyze the empirical material collected. In general, the topic of the article may be of interest to political scientists, sociologists, specialists in constitutional law, as well as to students of the listed specialties. The presented material corresponds to the topic of the journal "Law and Politics" and, after appropriate revision, can be recommended for publication.

Second Peer Review

Peer reviewers' evaluations remain confidential and are not disclosed to the public. Only external reviews, authorized for publication by the article's author(s), are made public. Typically, these final reviews are conducted after the manuscript's revision. Adhering to our double-blind review policy, the reviewer's identity is kept confidential.
The list of publisher reviewers can be found here.

The subject of the research in the reviewed article is the personalized perception of presidential power in Russia. The research methodology is based on the application of comparative analysis methods, event analysis, historical approach, secondary sociological analysis of the attitude of the population to the President of the Russian Federation and his activities; studying the frequency characteristics of the social well-being of the population, studying key events in the country that presumably influenced the change in the level of public approval of the President of the Russian Federation. The authors attribute the relevance of the work to the leading place of presidential power in the hierarchy of political institutions in the Russian Federation, with the lack of works devoted to the study of conceptual aspects of the personification of presidential power in modern Russia. The scientific novelty of the study, according to the reviewer, lies in the conclusions that in our country the institution of the presidency is perceived as the most important link in the system of state power, it took place as a political institution, and the person holding this position is perceived by society in a personalized way. Structurally, the following headings are highlighted in the text of the publication: Introduction, Literary review, Materials and Methods, Results, Discussion, Conclusion, and Bibliography. The article highlights various points of view and theoretical approaches to the study of presidential power in world science, and identifies two groups of publications.: 1) works that focus on the issue of political power and its functioning; 2) research on the presidency and the personification of power. The publication reflects the results of All-Russian surveys on the dynamics of approval of the President of the Russian Federation and the attitude of the population towards Vladimir Putin. The bibliographic list includes 52 sources – scientific publications by foreign and domestic authors on the topic in foreign and Russian languages, as well as online resources. The text of the publication contains targeted references to the list of references confirming the existence of an appeal to opponents. Of the comments, it is worth noting the following. Firstly, the authors try to explain the reasons for the fluctuation of the approval indicators of the President's activities with a decrease in their values, but they pay insufficient attention to explaining the reasons for the increase in the approval indicators of the presidential government and maintaining them at a high level for a long period of time. Secondly, the expression "Putin's principle of "stability"" used in the publication is proposed to be replaced, since it implicitly contains a negative connotation and may be perceived by readers as disrespectful to the head of state. Thirdly, the list of references includes numerous Internet resources, which, in accordance with the Rules adopted by the publishing house for the design of the list of references, should be mixed "in the text of the article in parentheses, along with other comments and notes by the authors." The reviewed material reflects the results of the authors' secondary analysis of data obtained by leading Russian sociological services over a long period of time, may be of interest to readers, but needs to be improved.

Third Peer Review

Peer reviewers' evaluations remain confidential and are not disclosed to the public. Only external reviews, authorized for publication by the article's author(s), are made public. Typically, these final reviews are conducted after the manuscript's revision. Adhering to our double-blind review policy, the reviewer's identity is kept confidential.
The list of publisher reviewers can be found here.

When the post of president was first introduced in our country in 1990, the word itself became so popular that even the heads of mini-firms during this period referred to themselves as the president. Meanwhile, the post of president is far from new in Russian history: this is exactly what the head of the Academy of Sciences has been called for more than a century. But of course, for modern Russians, the president is associated with the leaders of the Russian Federation. These circumstances determine the relevance of the article submitted for review, the subject of which is the perception of presidential power in Russia. The author aims to review the literature on the topic of the article, determine the public's perception of the institution of the presidency in the Russian Federation, and identify the reasons for the decline in trust and growing trust in the President of the Russian Federation. The work is based on the principles of analysis and synthesis, reliability, objectivity, the methodological basis of the research is a systematic approach based on the consideration of the object as an integral complex of interrelated elements. The scientific novelty of the article lies in the very formulation of the topic: the author seeks to characterize the personalized perception of presidential power in Russia. Considering the bibliographic list of the article as a positive point, its versatility should be noted: in total, the list of references includes 13 different sources and studies. From the sources attracted by the author, we will point to the materials of the centers for the study of public opinion. Among the studies used, we will point to the works of A.K. Denieva, L.I. Khairullina and K.S. Idiatullina, which focus on various aspects of the study of presidential power. Note that the bibliography is important both from a scientific and educational point of view: after reading the text of the article, readers can refer to other materials on its topic. In general, in our opinion, the integrated use of various sources and research contributed to the solution of the tasks facing the author. The writing style of the article can be attributed to the scientific, but at the same time accessible not only to specialists, but also to a wide readership, to anyone who is interested in both the institution of the presidency in general and the perception of the institution of the presidency in particular. The appeal to the opponents is presented at the level of the information collected, obtained by the author during the work on the topic of the article. The structure of the work is characterized by a certain logic and consistency, in it one can distinguish the introduction, the main part, and the conclusion. At the beginning, the author defines the relevance of the topic, shows that "in the modern world, presidential power is an important element of the political systems of most states, but each country itself determines the role that the president plays in its political life." The paper shows that "various sociological centers agree on the support of the President and the social well-being of citizens: Russians associate positive dynamics in life with the contribution and effective work of the President of the Russian Federation." The author notes that "the recognition of the President as a national leader turned out to be closely linked, even merged with the name of Vladimir Putin." It is noteworthy that, as the author of the reviewed article notes, "according to VTsIOM, the President of Russia consistently ranks first in a survey of Russians about the main political figure of the past year." The author's arguments about the reasons for the increase and decrease in confidence in the President of the Russian Federation are of interest. The main conclusion of the article is that "the institution of the presidency is perceived as the most important link in the system of state power, it took place as a political institution, and the person holding this position is perceived by society in a personalized way." The article submitted for review is devoted to a topical topic, is provided with 2 figures, will arouse the reader's interest, and its materials can be used both in educational courses and in the framework of studying the political system of the Russian Federation. In general, in our opinion, the article can be recommended for publication in the journal Law and Politics.