Analysis of reports from Russian media on political issues in the Asia-Pacific region - using the example of trade relations between China and the USA and disputes in the South China Sea

Vei Yuizhui ORCID: 0009-0000-2409-4978 Postgraduate student; Institute 'Higher School of Journalism and Mass Communications'; St. Petersburg State University 7-9 Universitetskaya nab., Vasileostrovsky district, Saint Petersburg, 199034, Russia st073308@student.spbu.ru Other publications by this author

Introduction

The Asia-Pacific region is one of the most dynamic and competitive arenas of modern international politics, covering key issues such as China-US relations, security on the Korean peninsula, disputes in the South China Sea, and Russian-Japanese relations. With the promotion of the "turn to the East" diplomatic strategy, Russia's political and economic involvement in the region has increased significantly, and its leading media outlets' political reporting is becoming more diverse and in-depth.

From a macro-level point of view, these materials not only reflect the perception of the situation in the region by the Russian government and society, but also serve as an important tool for international communication strategy and national image formation. In his research, Chinese scientist Yu Xiaoqing described in detail how Russian foreign propaganda media use multilingual information dissemination and live reporting to destroy the dominant Western discursive system, which provides theoretical support for the formation of Russia's international soft power^[1].

Liu Ruisheng's research analyzes differences in the perception of information in different cultural contexts, emphasizing that Russian media covering political issues in the Asia-Pacific region must take into account the diversity of audience cultures and their historical memory^[2]. K. E. Atamali outlined the internal logic and external motives behind this turn in politics, as well as analyzed the possible profound impact of these changes on Russia's international status and the global political ecosystem^[3].

Yelnikova's work mainly focuses on the achievements of the strategy, existing problems and prospects for its development, providing a macro-level perspective for a comprehensive understanding of the transformation^[4]; at the same time, Lagutina and Lapenko's research, through a comparison of historical and modern diplomatic policy practices, reveals the internal logic and evolutionary process of the "turn to the East" in Russian foreign policy^[5].

Savchenko and Zuenko analyzed in more detail the internal driving forces contributing to strategic change and examined how various factors interact in the policy-making process^[6]. In addition, the work of Dorozhkina and co-authors emphasizes the importance of transnational and interdepartmental cooperation in the field of infrastructure for achieving strategic goals, demonstrating that the implementation of the strategy manifests itself not only at the political level, but also penetrates into economic and social development^[7].

Chinese scientists also note that in recent years, Russia has stepped up the development of official international media (such as RT and Sputnik), seeking to strengthen its international influence in the information space and improve its national image^[8]. The analysis of Russian media reports on the region contributes to a better understanding of the mechanisms of the functioning of discursive power and the projection of Russia's soft power in the Asia-Pacific region, which is important for studying issues of Sino-Russian relations, regional security and other relevant topics.

This study comprehensively applies the methods of quantitative content analysis and qualitative discursive analysis. The data is obtained from the Factiva database and covers the period from January 2019 to December 2024. The corpus includes about 900 news articles published by Sputnik, TASS and RIA on four key political issues in the Asia-Pacific region: relations between China and the United States, the situation on the Korean peninsula, the dispute in the South China Sea and Russian-Japanese relations. The research initially encodes and statistically analyzes the time of publication, sources, genres and volumes of materials, and then extracts frequently occurring words using text analytics technologies and determines the emotional coloring of texts. Further, using the example of representative events and materials on the topics of "relations between China and the United States" and "the dispute in the South China Sea," discursive and frame analysis is used to study how the Russian media form the agenda, create images, and covertly express their positions and value judgments.

To simplify quantitative analysis, the entire corpus has been encoded and classified. Each publication has a fixed release date, source, genre (news, interview, analytical article, etc.), volume, as well as a specific event or sub-topic. By year, the number of publications of each media outlet on each topic was calculated to observe the dynamics of the intensity of reporting (see Table 1). Additionally, using Python and other tools, text analysis was carried out, which made it possible to extract frequently occurring words and their co-words, identifying terms with the highest frequency in materials on each topic (for example, "security", "cooperation", "sanctions", "sovereignty"), as well as analyze their contextual meaning. During the content analysis, it was recorded whether official statements or expert opinions were quoted in the materials, which rhetorical and frame techniques were used. For example, the frequency of use of terms such as "undermining stability" and "external forces" was analyzed, forming an idea of the root causes of the problem, and it was also assessed whether the final part of the report expresses an assessment of the situation and a statement of position. The statistics also included the frequency of occurrence of typical frames, such as the "conflict frame" (emphasizing confrontation) and the "cooperation frame" (emphasizing dialogue and cooperation).

Reports on relations between China and the United States: a neutral position in a competitive environment and a pro-Chinese bias

Report review: Statistics show that between 2019 and 2024, three leading Russian media outlets published almost 300 articles on China-US relations, which is the highest figure among all political issues in the region. The content of the reports covers trade conflicts, technological rivalry, the situation in Taiwan, the dynamics in relations between the United States, Japan and Australia, as well as high-level meetings between representatives of China and the United States.

The analysis of tonality showed that about 50% of the materials are made in a neutral and objective style, about 30% express support or approval of China's position, and about 20% contain negative assessments of US policy. It is noteworthy that critical reports directed directly against China are extremely rare, which corresponds to the internal logic of strengthening the strategic partnership between Russia and China in recent years^[9]. On the contrary, the Russian media are much more likely to criticize the "policy towards China" on the part of the United States, accusing them of "self-immersion in their own problems" or pursuing a restrictive policy. This critical framework allows not only to mitigate image pressure on China, but also to strengthen Russia's strategic position in the geopolitical context.

In terms of setting the agenda, the Russian media focused on several key events, such as the trade disputes between China and the United States in 2018-2019, mutual accusations during the COVID-19 pandemic in 2020, the evolution of bilateral relations after the Biden administration came to power in 2021, and the meeting of the leaders of China and the United States in 2023. During these periods, Sputnik and TASS produced special reports or series of analytical materials, demonstrating an emphasis on strategic rivalry and conflict, while less highlighting positive cooperation between the countries, for example, in the field of climate initiatives. So, in 2019, Russian media massively published materials about the failures of trade negotiations, citing China's position, emphasizing that a trade war is harmful and ineffective; and in 2020, attention was focused on US sanctions against companies such as Huawei and China's retaliatory measures.

This approach to shaping the agenda reflects the tendency of the Russian media to present relations between China and the United States in terms of competition and confrontation, which, in turn, highlights the instability and aggressive nature of US policy.

Discursive frameworks and trends: After analyzing the texts of the Russian media, the following main frameworks can be identified:

The framework of "American provocations/deterrence": This framework places the responsibility for the source of the contradictions between China and the United States on the policy of containing China on the part of the United States. For example, reports on the "Indo-Pacific strategy" cite statements by the Russian Foreign Minister^[10], where this strategy is characterized as a "destructive" and "dividing Asia" tool. The function of this framework is to attribute regional conflicts to American politics, thereby mitigating the negative impact on China's image in public opinion.

The framework of "Chinese Rational restraint": Attention is focused on China's defensive and rational behavior in trade disputes and the conflict in the South China Sea. At the same time, through numerous quotes from statements by officials and experts, a message is being broadcast that China adheres to a legitimate and justified position in these conflicts.

The "Russia in the center/benefit for Russia" framework: Despite the fact that relations between China and the United States are a bilateral issue, some reports imply strategic benefits for Russia. The confrontation between China and the United States to a certain extent "softens" external pressure on Russia, and the emphasis on the stability of Russian-Chinese relations helps to neutralize possible divisive strategies of the United States. Such rhetoric contributes to the formation of a positive image of Russia as the cornerstone of the Eastern bloc.

Specific examples contribute to a more detailed disclosure of the practical application of the above-mentioned theoretical framework. For example, in the reports on the "Bai Xi meeting" (the summit of the leaders of China and the United States) in 2023, the press release published by RIA Novosti conveyed the basic information about the meeting quite briefly and objectively^[11]; at the same time, the Sputnik analytical article placed more emphasis on analyzing the background of the meeting, especially highlighting the contradictory psychology of American policy towards China^[12] — on the one hand, the desire for mitigation, and on the other, the insistence on pursuing a policy of deterrence. The article cites the opinions of Russian experts, according to which, under the influence of internal political pressure, the United States sends signals for dialogue, but their position is characterized as "insincere," while China is portrayed as a country committed to peaceful principles, but not ready to compromise on issues of its key interests. This interpretation leads the audience to believe that the results of the dialogue are limited, and more responsibility for the current situation should be placed on the United States.

It should be noted that despite the generally favorable tone of the Russian media towards China, their reports retain a certain restraint and an appearance of neutrality. The Russian media rarely directly calls the United States an "enemy" or excessively praises China, preferring to rely on quoting official positions of both sides to provide information. This indicates that in the process of external communication, the Russian media, through careful selection of sources and building a framework for reporting, rather than through direct statements, convey their positional preferences more covertly.

Shaping the image of Russia:

Despite the fact that the Russian media are not directly interested in the issue of relations between China and the United States, their reporting strategy is used as a tool to create a positive international image of Russia. On the one hand, the Russian media, repeatedly focusing on the manifestations of forceful pressure from the United States and demonstrating China's intentions to cooperate, emphasize Russia's moral support for international principles and multilateral cooperation, which contributes to the formation of strategic alliances with China and other countries advocating peaceful coexistence. On the other hand, Russia calls for the resolution of disputes between China and the United States through dialogue and opposes the outbreak of a new cold war in the Asia-Pacific region, which conveys the image of Russia as a responsible power aimed at preventing the escalation of conflict and maintaining regional stability and cooperation.

In general, the Russian media demonstrates a cautious and balanced positioning in their coverage of relations between China and the United States.: they clearly criticize the unilateral approach of the United States, but at the same time avoid unnecessary interference in the conflict, so as not to question their reporting motives. Thanks to this strategy, Russia is presented in international public opinion as a "rational observer" and a "potential mediator," which corresponds to its strategic aspirations to actively participate in the development of the Asia-Pacific region and increase national soft power.

Thus, the scope of Russian media reports on inter-Chinese-American relations can be described as follows: an emphasis on contradictions and conflicts, a position inclined to support China and criticize the United States, as well as highlighting the values of multilateralism. This strategy not only meets the needs of a strategic alliance between Russia and China, but also, by weakening the international reputation of the United States, increases Russia's relative position in the geopolitical context.

In addition, the Russian media invariably pay attention to formal neutrality in their reports, actively referring to the opinions of outside experts and official statements. This approach not only ensures the objectivity of the materials, but also imperceptibly translates the position of the Russian-Chinese alliance and opposition to external interference, contributing to the formation of a positive international image of Russia as a supporter of a multipolar world and a guarantor of regional stability^[13].

Reporting on the South China Sea dispute: a fundamentally neutral tone with pro-Chinese anti-interference rhetoric

Report review: The dispute in the South China Sea covers issues of maritime rights and interests between China and several Southeast Asian countries, and is also accompanied by interference from external forces such as the United States. Against this background, despite the officially proclaimed neutrality and the absence of explicit statements about the ownership of the islands, the Russian media in their actual reports demonstrate a tendency to condemn external interference and to a certain extent support China's position. Statistics show that between 2019 and 2024, Sputnik, TASS and RIA Novosti published about 230 materials on the South China Sea. The subjects of the reports include the dynamics of maritime disputes between China and countries such as the Philippines and Vietnam; the actions of the United States within the framework of freedom of navigation and its military cooperation with regional states (for example, the Philippines and Vietnam); the construction of islands and reefs, military exercises and related diplomatic activities of China; as well as negotiations on the development of a Code of Conduct (COC) in the South China Sea. In general, about 70% of the materials are objective news reports, and the remaining 30%, although they are of a commentary nature, are mostly inclined to support China's positions and criticize the intervention of the United States and its allies. It is noteworthy that Russian media rarely publish materials directly criticizing China's actions in the South China Sea, while the intervention of external forces such as the United States, Japan and Australia is generally assessed as questionable or negative. This reflects a reporting strategy that can be described as "fundamentally neutral, but actually pro-Chinese."

Setting the agenda and main areas of attention: Russian media reports on the South China Sea show a marked increase in publications in two key periods. The first period occurred in 2019, when, under the influence of the echoes of the 2016 South China Sea arbitration award and the adjustment of the Philippine government's policy towards China under the leadership of Duterte, activity in the region increased sharply, which was reflected in an increase in the number of materials. The second period is 2023, when several incidents of ship confrontations between China and the Philippines were recorded in the waters off Huanyang and other sensitive areas, as well as an increase in military cooperation between the United States and the Philippines, which again aggravated the situation in the South China Sea, and the Russian media constantly monitored developments.

An analysis of the frequency of publications shows that materials about the intervention of the United States and Western countries appear noticeably more often than reports about direct disputes between China and the Philippines or Vietnam. This indicates that the attention of the Russian media is focused on the confrontation between the great powers over the issue of the South China Sea, rather than on specific disputes over the ownership of individual islands and reefs. Especially in the period from 2021 to 2024, when the United States strengthened its military alliance with the Philippines, as well as the United Kingdom and Japan expressed their willingness to interfere in the affairs of the South China Sea, the Russian media showed constant interest and repeatedly criticized these actions. At the same time, positive news about the negotiations between China and the ASEAN countries was published, but their coverage and relevance were significantly lower.

This approach to shaping the agenda reflects Russia's priorities.: Moscow is more worried about how the United States is using the South China Sea to influence the regional balance than about specific disputes between China and the Philippines or Vietnam, which it does not intend to get involved in. Thus, the Russian media, focusing on the interference of external forces, include the issue of the South China Sea in the overall macro context of the rivalry between the United States and China.

The discursive framework and the focus of the reports: The analysis of the texts of the Russian media shows that their discursive framework has the following main characteristics:

Emphasizing "outside interference" and opposition to outside interference: Russian media often use the term "extra regional forces", defining the United States and its allies as external interventionists provoking tension in the South China Sea^[14], and further argue that this dispute should be resolved through negotiations between the direct participants. This approach not only highlights the common position of China and Russia on this issue, but also sets the basic tone for subsequent reports, excluding external interference.

Using Chinese rhetoric to emphasize legitimacy: Russian media widely cite statements by Chinese officials and academics, forming a reporting context with the "Chinese point of view" at the center. For example, reports on the conflict between China and the Philippines detail a statement by a spokesman for the Chinese Ministry of Foreign Affairs, which emphasizes that Philippine vessels "illegally entered the maritime areas of Chinese islands and reefs," and "China's law enforcement actions are lawful and restrained."^[15]

Imperceptible representation of Russia's own interests: In the materials on the South China Sea, the Russian media rarely touch on Russia's specific interests. Despite the fact that Russia has no direct territorial claims in the region, it retains interests in the fields of energy and arms trade, however, reports only rarely mention official formulations such as "we maintain a neutral position on the situation in the South China Sea" or "we support freedom of navigation," focusing mainly on opposition to external interference and maintaining regional stability at the level of general principles. This restraint reflects Russia's cautious position aimed at avoiding negative consequences for relations with the ASEAN countries due to excessive involvement in the details of disputes.

The framework of security and multilateral mechanisms: Some reports focus on advancing negotiations between China and ASEAN countries on developing a Code of Conduct in the South China Sea and on regional security cooperation, using a positive tone and emphasizing the ability of countries in the region to resolve disputes independently. TASS quotes the position of the Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, expressing support for reaching an agreement on a Code of Conduct as soon as possible, while Sputnik reports on the attitude of the ASEAN countries against outside interference in the affairs of the South China Sea. Such materials convey the idea that the dispute in the South China Sea should be resolved through multilateral cooperation, which further demonstrates support for the "multilateral security system in the Asia-Pacific region."

A specific example illustrates the practical application of the above-described discursive framework using the example of reports on the "Renai Reef event" between China and the Philippines in 2023. A TASS report published on October 26^[16] details statements by the Chinese side, which note that a Filipino ship entered Chinese water borders without permission and tried to transport illegal construction materials, which forced a Chinese patrol ship to take measures to detain it. Further, the article quotes the statement of the representative of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of China, Mao Ning, who emphasizes: "The United States is not a party to the dispute in the South China Sea, has no right to interfere in the maritime conflict between China and the Philippines, and cannot use the alliance with the Philippines as an excuse to violate China's sovereignty in the South China Sea.", and warns that the United States must stop fomenting confrontation. The entire report is almost entirely based on the narrative of the Chinese side, without presenting the arguments of the Philippines. Such a one-sided choice of information allows the Russian media, by expanding the voice of China, to effectively weaken the influence of the arguments of the Philippines and the United States. Although there is no independent commentary from Russian journalists in the final part of the article, their position has already been clearly expressed: they condemn the US intervention and recognize the legitimacy of protecting Chinese interests. For the Russian-speaking audience and other foreign viewers, such reports present an alternative narrative, different from Western media, which contributes to a more balanced perception of events, and also demonstrates Russia's unwavering anti-imperialist and anti-interference position on major international issues, positively affecting the formation of its international image.

Shaping the image of Russia: Through the strategy of reporting and building discourse described above, the Russian media on the South China Sea have formed several key images:

A proponent of a multipolar world order: Russian media regularly condemn Western interference, promoting ideas of regional autonomy and countering hegemony, which contributes to shaping the image of a country that defends international justice and equality.

China's reliable strategic partner: On issues affecting China's key interests, the Russian media consistently demonstrate strong support for China's positions, conveying information to an outside audience about the close alignment of the views of Russia and China.

Initiator of the creation of regional mechanisms: Through positive coverage of the Code of Conduct in the South China Sea and cooperation within the framework of ASEAN-led initiatives, the Russian media seek to demonstrate respect for the interests of the countries of the region and support for multilateral security cooperation.

Discussion

In this study, through the analysis of the subtopics of the reports of the main Russian media on key political issues in the Asia-Pacific region over the past five years, several significant features have been identified in such aspects as agenda formation, discourse building and image creation. In general, Russian media reports on the region not only reflect Russia's foreign policy position and strategic interests, but also, through a carefully thought-out narrative strategy, effectively substantiate its historical and moral legitimacy, as well as form a positive image of the country as a key actor in the region.

1. The position of the reports: Pro-Chinese, pro-Russian, containment of the United States and Japan

The position of the Russian media in covering political issues in the Asia-Pacific region can be described as "pro-Chinese, pro-Russian, containing the United States and Japan." This position is not accidental, but is based on the actual development of a high-level strategic partnership between Russia and China in recent years, and also reflects the increasingly tense and competitive relations between Russia and Western countries such as the United States and Japan. When dealing with issues related to China's key interests (for example, relations between China and the United States, the problem of the South China Sea), the narrative of the Russian media almost completely adopts the Chinese point of view. At the same time, reports about the United States, Japan and their allies are often accompanied by caution and criticism, describing them as factors exacerbating regional tensions or hindering conflict resolution. This position reflects Russia's current strategic orientations in the Asia-Pacific region aimed at strengthening cooperation with Eastern countries (especially China and North Korea) to jointly counter the influence of the United States and its allies^[17], which makes the Russian media an important tool for foreign policy and the spread of soft power in the international arena.

2. Discursive framework: emphasis on multilateralism and resistance to external interference

The general discourse, which can be traced in all materials, includes an emphasis on multilateralism and the principles of equality of sovereignties, as well as resolute opposition to external interference. This discourse not only reflects the principles of Russian foreign policy, but also serves as an important resource for shaping the country's positive international image. Regardless of whether it concerns relations between China and the United States or disputes in the South China Sea, Russian media have called for conflict resolution through dialogue and negotiation, arguing that issues of regional importance should be resolved by the countries of the region independently, without outside interference. This approach contributes not only to creating an image of Russia that respects international law and regional interests, but also partially undermines the legitimacy of unilateral actions by the United States and other Western states, forming a narrative that both serves the purposes of Russian international propaganda and resonates with an audience in the Global South opposed to hegemony. This provides Russia with rhetorical support as a defender of a multipolar world and a just international order.

3. The role of the media: consolidation of internal unity and the struggle for dominance in international discourse

The Russian mainstream media, with a pronounced status of state-owned news agencies, perform two key functions: They contribute to the internal consolidation of public opinion and at the same time fight for leadership in international discourse. On the domestic front, Russian media are actively developing a sense of patriotism through their narrative on Asia-Pacific issues, emphasizing cooperation between Russia and China in the face of confrontation with the United States, which imperceptibly directs public opinion towards the perception of the United States as a common enemy and justifies Russia's current geopolitical strategy. In the external arena, using multilingual platforms (for example, Sputnik's multilingual reports), Russian media broadcast a narrative tinged with shades of the Russian-Chinese partnership, as well as form a single discursive space through mutual links with Chinese media. In addition, Russian media spread Russian information through the channels of Western agencies (for example, Reuters), seeking to compete with Western media for leadership in shaping international public opinion, especially in the Global South and among Russian-speaking audiences. From the point of view of soft power, such multidimensional and multi-channel information dissemination is aimed at shaping the image of Russia as a "responsible, principled, supportive partner," which helps to gain wide international recognition and support. Although the effect of this strategy is difficult to quantify, it is safe to say that the Russian media has become an important element of national soft power, playing the role of active narrative shapers in the affairs of the Asia-Pacific region.

Reflection and limitations of Russia's positive image:

In general, Russian media reports on the South China Sea dispute, through carefully thought-out agenda formation and discourse construction, at first glance maintain a neutral tone, but the actual choice of content and the logic of presentation clearly lean towards supporting China's positions and criticizing external interference. Such a reporting strategy not only serves Russia's strategic interests and diplomatic goals in the Asia-Pacific region, but also provides discursive support for the formation of a positive international image characterized as "fundamentally opposed to external interference and upholding regional stability." At the same time, the multilingual presence of Russian media at both the internal and external levels further strengthens their discursive influence in the countries of the Global South and in the Russian-speaking space. Nevertheless, the selective approach to reporting and the obvious bias of the narrative create the risk of fragmentation of the audience when soft power is spread.

Conclusion

In this study, through quantitative content analysis and qualitative discursive analysis of Russian mainstream media reports on political issues in the Asia-Pacific region (relations between China and the United States, the dispute in the South China Sea) from 2019 to 2024, striking features in agenda formation, information selection and discourse construction were identified. Although the Russian media maintain a neutral and objective tone on the surface, the actual content and choice of framework clearly incline in favor of supporting China's positions and criticizing the unilateral policies of the United States and other Western countries, which meets the needs of Russia's foreign strategy and building national soft power.

In addition, the Russian media, on the one hand, by ensuring the objectivity of the narrative through extensive involvement of third-party opinions and official statements, on the other hand, through selective disclosure of information and the formation of a framework, successfully guide international public opinion. The "pro-Chinese, pro-Russian, restraining the influence of the United States and Japan" position and the discursive focus on "multilateralism and countering external interference" not only contribute to the internal consolidation of national identity and patriotism, but also form a positive image of Russia in the international information space as a "rational observer" and "potential mediator."

Thus, Russian media reports on political issues in the Asia-Pacific region not only profoundly reflect the country's foreign policy strategy and strategic interests, but also demonstrate the complex role of the media in modern international communication — they act as a tool of state policy and an important means of forming national soft power. Despite certain limitations related to audience segmentation and a selective approach to event coverage, in general, this reporting model provides Russia with powerful support in its struggle for dominance in international discourse and improving its image in a multipolar world order.

Table 1: Number of publications on Asia-Pacific region topics in the main Russian media in 2019-2024 (units)

Data source: compiled by the author based on Factiva search results for 2019-2024.