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Law and Politics
Reference:

The Impact of the Normalization of Turkish-Egyptian Relations on the Political, Economic and Geopolitical Spheres

Guzaltan Onur Sinan

Postgraduate student; Department of Comparative Political Science, RUDN University; Peoples' Friendship University of Russia named after Patrice Lumumba

18/1 Arbat street, building 2, Moscow, 119002, Russia

onurguzaltan@yahoo.com

DOI:

10.7256/2454-0706.2025.3.73736

EDN:

TJOSCV

Received:

18-03-2025


Published:

26-03-2025


Abstract: Relations between Turkey and Egypt, which worsened after the fall of the government of Mohammed Morsi on July 4, 2013, began to improve after a 10-year hiatus. In 2023, the diplomatic representation was mutually increased. Representatives of the two countries came together and signed cooperation agreements. This article examines the consequences of the normalization of relations between Turkey and Egypt in the political, economic and geopolitical spheres. The purpose of this article is to study the impact of the steps taken by the administrations of Turkey and Egypt to normalize relations on the political, economic and geopolitical spheres between the two countries. The mutual policies and strategies of the Turkish and Egyptian governments were examined within the framework of the institutional method. In this direction, official documents were examined within the scope of conceptual analysis and discourse analysis was conducted based on the statements of authorities. Economic relations were addressed by examining official data with the statistical analysis method. Although much research has been conducted on Turkish-Egyptian relations, there is not enough research on the effects of the recently initiated normalization process in various fields. This article fills this gap. The article concludes that the normalization of relations between Turkey and Egypt has had a positive impact on bilateral relations in various fields, but relations between the two countries have not yet been established on a structural and regular basis. Relations are still fragile due to ideological differences between the governments of Turkey and Egypt, as well as instability in the region. The article concludes that if Turkey and Egypt sign an agreement determining the maritime jurisdiction boundaries in the Eastern Mediterranean, relations between the two countries will reach a structural and strategic level.


Keywords:

Turkey, Egypt, Eastern Mediterranean, Libya, Palestine, Constructivist approach, Realist approach, Geopolitics, Syria, Middle East

This article is automatically translated. You can find original text of the article here.

Introduction

The political relations between the Republic of Turkey and the Arab Republic of Egypt, which were severed after the overthrow of Mohammed Morsi on July 3, 2013, entered the path of normalization after a 10-year hiatus with the mutual appointment of ambassadors on July 4, 2023. The process of fully establishing political relations continued with the visit of President of the Republic of Turkey Recep Tayyip Erdogan to Cairo on February 14, 2024 and the return visit of his Egyptian counterpart Abdel Fattah Al-Sisi to Ankara on September 4, 2024. During the mutual visits of the Presidents of Turkey and Egypt, agreements were signed in various fields, primarily in the field of economic relations. The main reason for the breakdown in relations between the two countries was Turkey's support for the Muslim Brotherhood movement in Egypt during and after the overthrow of Mohammed Morsi. During this period, Turkey pursued an identity-oriented policy towards Egypt, which we can assess within the framework of a constructivist approach within the framework of the discipline of International Relations [1, p. 68]. This political approach, which emphasized the ideological similarities between the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) in Turkey and the Muslim Brotherhood[2, p. 200], emphasized the common religion and common history of Turkey and Egypt. The constructivist approach, based on the assumption that States have an identity just like individuals, defends the thesis that the identity of states is effective in their relations with other states[3, p.208]. Again, in this context, the constructivist approach highlights the thesis that states with similar identities can deepen their relationships in all areas through the concept of a "common destiny"[4, p. 22]. From the elections of June 16-17, 2012, when Mohammed Morsi came to power in Egypt, to On July 4, 2023, when relations were restored, Turkey followed an approach to Egypt in which special attention was paid to the policy of “common identity” through the Muslim Brotherhood[5, p.290]. However, the inability to establish political relations with the new Egyptian government led by Abdel Fattah al-Sisi after the overthrow of the Muslim Brotherhood damaged Turkey's national interests in various areas, primarily in determining maritime jurisdictions in the Eastern Mediterranean. Damage to national interests, as well as global geopolitical events (the global crisis caused by the confrontation between the West and Russia over Ukraine, Israel's expansion of its occupation of Palestine, political changes in Syria and the worsening global economic crisis) forced Turkey to turn to a realistic policy in its policy towards Egypt [6]. The process of normalization of Turkish-Egyptian relations began with the transition of the Turkish government from an identity-oriented policy to a realistic policy that prioritizes national interests in relations with Egypt. Turkey's change in approach was also positively received by Egypt, and bilateral relations were quickly restored. The purpose of this article is to study the impact of the steps taken by the administrations of Turkey and Egypt to normalize relations on the political, economic and geopolitical spheres between the two countries. This study will also make a political forecast regarding the future of Turkish-Egyptian relations. In the course of this study, the results of Turkey's transition from a constructivist identity policy to a realistic approach in its policy towards Egypt will be discussed from a theoretical point of view.

In this study, the policies and strategies of the Governments of Turkey and Egypt, which led to the normalization of relations between the two countries, were analyzed using an institutional method (To study the approaches of governments and public institutions). In this context, official and diplomatic documents were examined as part of a conceptual analysis, as well as a discursive analysis of the statements of the authorities during this process. In addition, a statistical analysis using official data was conducted in the section on economic relations between Turkey and Egypt. The section devoted to discussing the geopolitical implications discusses the Eastern Mediterranean strategies of Turkey and Egypt and the impact of these strategies on the relationship. As part of this analysis, numerous scientific articles in various languages on relations between Turkey and Egypt were also analyzed. In addition, scientific sources, trade statistics, news and various reports on this issue were studied.

The purpose of the article is to study the impact of the political normalization of relations between Turkey and Egypt on the political, economic and geopolitical relations between the two countries.

In this context, the impact of the normalization of Turkish-Egyptian relations on bilateral relations will be considered in the political, economic and geopolitical fields, respectively.

The impact of normalization of Turkish-Egyptian relations on the political sphere

The normalization of relations between Turkey and Egypt has had a positive impact on the political relations between the two countries. After Turkey stopped supporting the Muslim Brotherhood and then recognized the Egyptian government led by Abdel Fattah al-Sisi, diplomatic relations between the two countries, which continued at the level of charge d'affaires, were raised to a higher level after the mutual appointment of ambassadors in 2023. In parallel with this process, President Recep Tayyip Erdogan and his Egyptian counterpart Abdel Fattah al-Sisi made mutual visits, during which comprehensive agreements were signed. Within this framework, the two countries signed a joint declaration on cooperation in various fields, mainly during President Erdogan's visit to Cairo in February 2024. According to this declaration, it was decided to take steps for cooperation between the two countries in the fields of "politics and diplomacy, economy, trade, banking and financial services, investment, transport, aviation, maritime navigation, tourism, health and labor, security, armed forces and defense industry, combating all types of organized crime and terrorism.", culture, education, science and technology, energy, mining, agriculture, environment, forestry, housing, urban transformation and climate change, communications and information, consular affairs"[7]. In accordance with this declaration, during the visit of Egyptian President El-Sisi to Turkey in September 2024, a memorandum of understanding was signed between the two countries to develop cooperation in 17 areas specified in the declaration [8]. Both countries have focused on cooperation in a wide range of areas, from infrastructure to economics, trade, healthcare, and culture. In addition, regular communication channels have been established between the two countries within this framework. On the other hand, during these visits, the leaders of the two countries expressed their common position on the Palestinian-Israeli war. In addition, the statements made confirm that the authorities of the two countries have also demonstrated their will to cooperate in crisis zones in the Middle East and North Africa, especially in the Eastern Mediterranean, Syria, Libya and the Horn of Africa [9].

This situation shows that the normalization of relations between the two countries has positive consequences not only from the point of view of bilateral relations, but also from the point of view of developing common positions in regional crisis zones.

However, on the other hand, ideological differences between the Turkish and Egyptian administrations may make the process of normalization of relations between the two countries fragile. Caution may prevail in Turkish-Egyptian relations in the coming period, especially in light of the events in Syria. Namely, some groups in Syria, supported by Turkey, threaten Egypt's national interests in an ideological sense. If these groups take action against Egypt, it could negatively affect relations between Turkey and Egypt.

The impact of normalization of relations between Turkey and Egypt on the economic sphere

Although the trade turnover between the two countries declined between 2013 and 2023, when relations were bad, it continued [10]. During this period, there was a decrease in investments by Turkish investors in Egypt due to uncertainty in political relations. On the other hand, strategic agreements in certain areas, especially the RORO Maritime Transportation Agreement, were not extended during this period, and this led to a decrease in trade volume between the two countries. With the restoration of relations, there has been a positive trend in mutual economic relations. According to TUIK, the increase in trade volume from $6.7 billion in 2021 to $8 billion in 2023 is concrete evidence of the positive impact of the new process on economic relations. The fact that the leaders of the two countries have set a goal to increase the volume of mutual trade by $ 15 billion indicates that the volume of trade between Turkey and Egypt will increase in the coming period [11].

With the improvement of relations, Turkey's exports to Egypt (textiles, machinery, chemicals) increased by 20%, while imports from Egypt (plastics, gold) increased by 15%. There is also an increase in investments by Turkish companies in Egypt [12]. Investments exceeding $3.5 billion are concentrated in the textile, food and logistics industries.

The two countries are also taking steps to develop joint investments in African countries. In this context, the free trade zones created in Egypt for Turkish companies are important [13]. In the coming period, it is possible that Turkey and Egypt will take joint steps towards Africa in addition to bilateral trade.

In this context, it is important to define the zones of maritime jurisdiction in the Eastern Mediterranean, where both countries are coastal, on the basis of mutual agreement. Such an agreement will bring relations between the two countries to a higher level and deepen the potential for cooperation.

The impact of normalization of relations between Turkey and Egypt on the geopolitical sphere

It is also useful to assess the normalization of Turkish-Egyptian relations from a geopolitical point of view. One of the main determining factors in the relations between the two countries from a geopolitical point of view is the neighborhood of the two countries in the Eastern Mediterranean. In this context, the signing by the two countries of an agreement defining the boundaries of maritime jurisdiction in the Eastern Mediterranean will bring relations between the two countries to a higher level and strengthen them.At a time when relations between Turkey and Egypt were bad, Egypt began to establish good relations with Greece and the Greek Cypriot administration on the Eastern Mediterranean issue and participated in the EASTMED project [14]. The European Union is also a part of this project. The Union in question pursued a policy rejecting Turkey's claims to the Eastern Mediterranean. [15, p.9] Turkey responded to this bloc formed against it in the Eastern Mediterranean by an agreement defining the boundaries of maritime jurisdiction with the United Nations-recognized Government of National Accord in Libya [16]. It is worth noting that, despite the fact that they are in different camps in the Eastern Mediterranean, Turkey and Egypt avoid concluding agreements with third countries that could damage the possibility of reaching mutual agreement [17].

In this context, there is no legal situation that would prevent the signing of an agreement between the two countries on the definition of zones of maritime jurisdiction. In parallel with this agreement, Turkey and Egypt can be expected to take joint steps to end instability in Libya. Given Turkey's influence on the Government of National Accord, and Egypt's influence on General Haftar's forces, we can say that both countries have the potential to unite various factions in the region and ensure stability in the country. The fact that Turkey and Egypt begin to cooperate on lifting the oil embargo in Libya immediately after the normalization of relations is a concrete evidence of the influence of these two countries on Libya [18]. On the other hand, if the process of normalization of relations between Turkey and Egypt develops into a strategic partnership, a new balance of power may develop in the region [19]. The Turkish-Egyptian alliance could become an important milestone in uniting the countries of the region, from the Persian Gulf to Iran.

If Ankara and Cairo seek cooperation on the Palestinian and Syrian issues, other countries in the region may also develop a common position on these issues. This situation will lead to the formation of a new regional unity with the unification of the countries of the region [20]. The normalization of relations between Turkey and Egypt is the result of the two countries' transition to a realistic and pragmatic policy in their relations. However, it remains debatable whether this process will be permanent. The political balance in the region is changing rapidly. There is a possibility that the security vacuum created by the fall of Bashar al-Assad's government in Syria and the expansion of the Israeli occupation of Palestine, on the other hand, will spread to other countries in the region. Normalization of relations between Turkey and Egypt can become constructive if the two countries take joint steps to determine their maritime jurisdiction in the Eastern Mediterranean. Otherwise, careful approaches in the relationship will remain. If we approach this from a realistic point of view, then the growing instability in the region and, so to speak, on a global scale forces the Turkish and Egyptian administrations to join forces. Especially the Israeli factor and the possibility of a US attack on Iran are pushing the Turkish and Egyptian administrations to expand cooperation. At this stage, it is very important for Turkey to abandon the policy it pursued towards Egypt through the Muslim Brotherhood. A new era has begun in which national interests come to the fore, rather than an emphasis on identity.

Conclusion

The normalization of relations between Turkey and Egypt has had a positive impact on the political, economic and geopolitical spheres between the two countries. The policies of the two Governments, which prioritize national interests rather than an identity-based approach, accelerated the normalization process. At the moment, when we evaluate this from a theoretical point of view, we see that the Turkish government's approach to Egypt is to stop supporting the Muslim Brotherhood and move from a policy of "common identity", which we can assess within the framework of a constructivist approach, to a realistic approach that puts national interests at the forefront. and it pushes ideological differences into the background, which is the main factor in normalizing relations between Turkey and Egypt. On the other hand, it would not be a mistake to say that if Turkey pursues a realistic policy, rather than an identity-based policy, in its relations with the states of the Middle East, its sphere of influence will expand.

However, in the process of normalization of relations between Turkey and Egypt, caution remains due to regional and global instability. In particular, the security vacuum created in Syria as a result of the fall of Bashar al-Assad's regime threatens the stability of both countries. On the other hand, the aggressive policy of the United States and Israel in the region is another factor provoking regional instability. The new process that has begun between Turkey and Egypt can acquire a structural character only when the two countries take joint steps to define the boundaries of maritime jurisdiction in the Eastern Mediterranean.

A possible agreement between the two countries on mutual maritime jurisdiction in the Eastern Mediterranean would also mean that the two countries would cooperate in the extraction and subsequent transfer of gas resources in the region. On the other hand, such an agreement would combine the geopolitical or, in other words, the vital interests of the two countries in the Eastern Mediterranean. Thus, a possible agreement in the Eastern Mediterranean would bring Turkey and Egypt closer together in the field of energy and geopolitics, and it would be inevitable for relations to reach a strategic and structural level.

Such an agreement would also pave the way for cooperation between the two countries in resolving the crisis in Libya. A trilateral agreement between Turkey, Egypt and Libya on defining maritime borders in the Eastern Mediterranean may even be on the agenda. On the other hand, if Turkey and Egypt reach an agreement in the Eastern Mediterranean, there will be no legal obstacles to the inclusion of Syria, Lebanon and, through Gaza, the Palestinian governments in this agreement. These countries can jointly define the boundaries of their maritime jurisdiction. Such an opportunity would also negatively affect Israel's claims in the region and lead to a change in the regional balance. If these steps are taken, Turkish-Egyptian relations will transform from limited cooperation into a structural strategic alliance. Otherwise, possible changes of power, economic crises and a paradigm shift in the two countries may negatively affect relations. However, once the relationship becomes structural, the likelihood of a decline in the pace of cooperation will also decrease.

To sum up, we can say that two fundamental and scientifically new results were obtained from this article; the first is the conclusion that the basis for the normalization of Turkish—Egyptian relations is the transformation of the Turkish government's policy towards Egypt from constructivist approaches based on identity to realistic approaches that focus on our national interests. The second is the confidence that Turkish—Egyptian relations will acquire a strategic dimension only if a mutual agreement is reached on the boundaries of maritime jurisdiction in the Eastern Mediterranean.

References
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2. Sarabiev, A. V. (2019). Patience as the art of concealing intolerance, or the long-term strategy of the Muslim Brotherhood to change the Middle East. Contours of Global Transformations: Politics, Economics, Law, 12(4), 183-208. https://doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2019-12-4-183-208
3. Mole, R. (2007). Discursive constructions of identity in European politics. Palgrave Macmillan.
4. Bozdağlıoğlu, Y. (2003). Turkish foreign policy and Turkish identity: A constructivist approach. Routledge.
5. Magued, S. (2016). Reconsidering elitist duality: Persistent tension in the Turkish-Egyptian relations. Digest of Middle East Studies, 25(2), 285-314.
6. Aksoy, H. A., & Roll, S. (2021, June 29). A thaw in relation between Egypt and Turkey. The German Institute for International and Security Affairs (SWP). https://www.swp-berlin.org/publications/products/comments/2021C39_EgyptAndTurkey.pdf
7. Egypt, Turkey sign joint declaration to restructure Strategic Cooperation Council. (2024, February 14). Egypt State Information Service. https://sis.gov.eg/Story/191608/Egypt%2C-Turkey-sign-joint-declaration-to-restructure-Strategic-Cooperation-Council?lang=en-us
8. Türkiye ile Mısır arasında 17 anlaşma imzalandı. (2024, September 5). Institute of Strategic Thinking. https://www.sde.org.tr/haber/turkiye-ile-misir-arasinda-17-anlasma-imzalandi-haberi-55420
9. Ankara. (2024, February 15). Erdoğan reported that relations between Turkey and Egypt have resumed after a 12-year pause. TASS. https://tass.ru/mezhdunarodnaya-panorama/19994477
10. Sarıaslan, F. (2024, September 21). Türkiye ve Mısır ilişkileri: Ekonomik süreklilik ve siyasi normalleşme. Türkiye Research Foundation. https://turkiyearastirmalari.org/2024/09/21/yayinlar/analiz/turkiye-misir-iliskileri/
11. Davut, M., Karsu, S., & Solyman, A. F. F. (2025, January 30). Türkiye ile Mısır 15 milyar dolarlık ticaret hedefi için yeni işbirliklerine odaklandı. Anadolu Agency. https://www.aa.com.tr/tr/ekonomi/turkiye-ile-misir-15-milyar-dolarlik-ticaret-hedefi-icin-yeni-isbirliklerine-odaklandi/3466496
12. Editör. (2017, March 12). Türkiye ile Mısır arasındaki ekonomik ilişkilerde yeni bir adım. Foreign Economic Relations Board (DEİK). https://www.deik.org.tr/basin-aciklamalari-turkiye-ile-misir-arasindaki-br-ekonomik-iliskilerde-yeni-bir-adim
13. Demirtaş, T. (2024, February 17). Türkiye-Mısır ilişkilerinde yeni dönem ve Afrika. SETA. https://www.setav.org/yorum/turkiye-misir-ilisiklerinde-yeni-donem-ve-afrika
14. Elgendy, K. (2022, July 18). Egypt as an Eastern Mediterranean power in the age of energy transition. Middle East Institute. https://www.mei.edu/publications/egypt-eastern-mediterranean-power-age-energy-transition
15. Parlanova, A.T. (2023). Turkey vs Egypt in the Eastern Mediterranean. Conflict Studies / nota bene, 2, 1-11. https://doi.org/10.7256/2454-0617.2023.2.40119
16. Memorandum of understanding between the Government of the Republic of Turkey and the Government of National Accord-State of Libya on delimitation of the maritime jurisdiction areas in the Mediterranean. (2019, November 27). United Nations. https://www.un.org/depts/los/LEGISLATIONANDTREATIES/PDFFILES/TREATIES/Turkey_11122019_%28HC%29_MoU_Libya-Delimitation-areas-Mediterranean.pdf
17. Cevrioğlu, E. Ş., & Begçecanlı, B. (2021, April 16). A possible Turkey-Egypt alliance in the Eastern Mediterranean could open new doors for both countries. Anadolu Agency. https://www.aa.com.tr/tr/ekonomi/dogu-akdenizde-olasi-turkiye-misir-ittifaki-iki-ulke-icin-yeni-kapilar-acabilir/2210828
18. Moskva. (2024, September 15). Media reported on Turkey and Egypt's pressure on Libya to resume its oil supplies. Interfax. https://www.interfax.ru/world/982117
19. De Toni, C. (2024, November 17). New ties between Turkey and Egypt. Istituto Analisi Relazioni Internazionali. https://iari.site/2024/11/17/new-ties-between-turkey-and-egypt/
20. Yeşiltaş, M. (2024, September 8). From rivalry to alliance: The new phase in Türkiye-Egypt relations. SETA. https://www.setav.org/en/opinion/from-rivalry-to-alliance-the-new-phase-in-turkiye-egypt-relations

First Peer Review

Peer reviewers' evaluations remain confidential and are not disclosed to the public. Only external reviews, authorized for publication by the article's author(s), are made public. Typically, these final reviews are conducted after the manuscript's revision. Adhering to our double-blind review policy, the reviewer's identity is kept confidential.
The list of publisher reviewers can be found here.

The subject of the peer-reviewed study is the relations between Turkey and Egypt. Given the rather tense situation in the region under study, as well as the key role played by both countries in this region, the scientific relevance and practical significance of the chosen topic should be recognized as very high. However, the author's research methodology is rather vague. The expression "as a method ... the method of qualitative research was used [which method is this specifically? There is no such method of "qualitative research"! – Rec.]" Methodologically (and stylistically!) The expression "statement-based discourse analysis" also seems strange. Is the method of discourse analysis itself based on statements? Or did the relevant declarations of politicians serve as empirical material for applying the method of discourse analysis? Moreover, the author quite correctly formulates his thought below: "The sources of data are official statements and diplomatic documents." But there is another problem with the claimed method of discourse analysis: in the peer-reviewed article, no traces of the use of this method could be found. And the reasons why the author declared this method remained unclear. Nevertheless, it can be understood from the context that the author did use some scientific methods in the course of his work, but did not reflect on them enough. First of all, we are talking about the institutional method (when analyzing specific institutions that have influenced the process of normalization of relations between Turkey and Egypt), conceptual analysis (when studying key provisions of policy documents on this process), statistical analysis of secondary data (when studying changes in relations between Turkey and Egypt in the economic sphere). Another consequence of insufficient theoretical and methodological reflection is the banality of the results obtained and the lack of scientific novelty in the conclusions that the author himself formulates in the conclusion (although this does not mean a complete lack of novelty in the work, it's just that the author himself did not reflect enough on this novelty). Indeed, when you read that the result of the study was the conclusion that "the normalization of relations between Turkey and Egypt had a positive impact on the political, economic and geopolitical spheres between the two countries," you can't help but wonder: was it worth building a garden for such a weak conclusion? This conclusion could be made without any research, it is self-evident. At the same time, the conclusion that could claim some novelty has not only remained in the shadows, but is also practically not justified in the text: "The new process that has begun between Turkey and Egypt can acquire a structural character only when the two countries take joint steps to determine the boundaries of maritime jurisdiction in the Eastern Mediterranean." In this regard, the author should carefully consider what methodological means he used to conduct the research, in what theoretical context it was done, what scientific results were obtained as a result, and what the scientific novelty of these results is. Only after that it will be possible to talk about the publication of the article. Structurally, the reviewed work makes a completely neutral impression: the author has set himself the task of analyzing the political, economic and geopolitical consequences of the normalization of relations between Turkey and Egypt, and implemented this idea by reflecting in the headings of the sections of the text, each of which is devoted to one of the chosen areas: politics, economics and geopolitics. But there are questions about the style of the reviewed article. In general, the style is scientific and analytical, but interspersed with annoying deviations like "the politics of the two countries ... opened the door to a new era." That is, the style is very uneven. In addition, there are an excessive number of stylistic and grammatical errors in the text (in addition to those noted above, you can also point out repetitions "In the course of this study, there will also be… In the course of this study, the results ...", "As a method ... the method of qualitative ...", "Egypt undertook ... and participated ... in which it also participated ..." and many others; or to expressions that are not entirely correct from the point of view of style, such as "caution remains in the process of normalizing relations between Turkey and Egypt [wariness? – rec.]", "the impact of normalization of Turkish-Egyptian relations on the political arena [arena? in this context, this word is not used at all! How can relationships affect the arena? rec.]"; and others), and this fact finally tipped the scales in favor of finalizing the article. The bibliography includes 20 titles, including sources in foreign languages, and adequately reflects the state of research on the subject of the article. There is no appeal to the opponents due to insufficient theoretical and methodological reflection: the author completely ignored this stage of the work, when, when posing a scientific problem, an analysis of existing approaches to solving this problem is carried out (and justified!) theoretical and methodological choice, based on which the analysis of the collected empirical material is then carried out. The lack of this work led the author to declare those methods that he did not really use, and obtained results whose novelty is questionable. Nevertheless, among the advantages of the reviewed article is a rather interesting and relevant topic, as well as a considerable amount of empirical material used for analysis. THE GENERAL CONCLUSION is that the article proposed for review at this stage of its preparation can be qualified as a scientific work that does not fully meet the basic requirements for such work. The author should carry out more thorough theoretical and methodological work, better consider the results that he obtained, and describe them in conclusion with an emphasis on their scientific novelty, as well as eliminate all stylistic and grammatical errors. In general, the author's chosen research topic is of interest to political scientists, sociologists, specialists in the field of world politics and international relations, as well as to students of the listed specialties. The presented material corresponds to the subject of the journal "Law and Politics" and after the elimination of these shortcomings can be recommended for publication.

Second Peer Review

Peer reviewers' evaluations remain confidential and are not disclosed to the public. Only external reviews, authorized for publication by the article's author(s), are made public. Typically, these final reviews are conducted after the manuscript's revision. Adhering to our double-blind review policy, the reviewer's identity is kept confidential.
The list of publisher reviewers can be found here.

The author of the reviewed manuscript examines the political, economic and geopolitical aspects of the impact of normalization of relations between Turkey and Egypt at the present stage. Taking into account the ongoing tensions in the Middle East region amid the escalation of the Arab-Israeli conflict, the relevance of the topic seems indisputable. At the same time, a number of theoretical and methodological shortcomings of this article should be noted. Firstly, for unknown reasons, the author formulates the purpose of the study twice: 1) "to study the impact of the steps taken by the administrations of Turkey and Egypt to normalize relations on the political, economic and geopolitical spheres between the two countries," and 2) "to study the impact of the political normalization of relations between Turkey and Egypt on political, economic and geopolitical issues." the relations between the two countries." In my opinion, it is necessary to leave one formulation, for example, "to determine the impact of normalization of Turkish–Egyptian relations on the geopolitical situation in the region." Since this formulation in itself presupposes forecasting the possible development of the situation, it is better to remove the second goal from the text – "to consider the future consequences of improving Turkish-Egyptian relations." Secondly, despite the fact that the author writes about "constructivist" and "realist" approaches to foreign policy, in fact none of these approaches are applied in a theoretical way. Instead, the author considers "constructivism" and "realism" as foreign policy strategies used by states on a case-by-case basis (it turns out that in some cases the state's policy may be "realistic", and in others "constructivist"). At the same time, the author does not refer to the works of leading representatives of realism (G. Morgenthau, K. Waltz, J. Mearsheimer, etc.) and constructivism (A. Wendt, F. Kratochvil, M. Finnemore, and others) and does not describe the essence of these theoretical trends. It is also worth emphasizing that "realism" and "constructivism" are conflicting theories that attach central importance to fundamentally different factors underlying the foreign policy of states. Thus, realism focuses on national interests, anarchy, and the balance of power as objective categories that ALWAYS have a decisive influence on the behavior of states. On the contrary, constructivism proceeds from the fact that foreign policy is based on meanings – that is, a priori subjective categories formed as a result of the processes of interaction between actors and their interpretation of the surrounding world (as well as themselves in relation to significant "others"). Judging by the fact that the author mentions "discursive analysis" among the methods used in the article, the research should be based on a constructivist approach. At the same time, the "institutional method" is questionable, the essence of which the author does not clarify. First of all, it remains unclear – which institutions are we talking about? Here, the author writes that the article examines "strategies of other countries in the region," although in fact there is nothing like this in the text. Moreover, the author, in fact, explores only the strategy of Turkey, while practically nothing is said about the strategy of Egypt. Fourth, the scientific novelty of the article is questionable. The author's thesis is that "the basis for the normalization of Turkish-Egyptian relations is the transformation of the Turkish government's policy towards Egypt from constructivist approaches (...) realistic approaches ..." looks unconvincing, since it ignores the role of Egypt, other powers, as well as the regional context as a whole. Not to mention that it is customary to consider the politics of states from EITHER a realistic OR a constructivist point of view. If we claim that "Turkey first pursued a constructivist policy, and then switched to a realistic one," this means that we have not been able to achieve a holistic theoretical understanding of Ankara's policy towards Cairo. In addition, it remains unclear why Turkey's transition from realism to constructivism took place. Why only (and is it only?) in relation to Egypt? Why does Turkey consistently adhere to the strategy of "pan-Turkism" based on a constructivist approach and pursue an identity policy towards Palestine (as a Muslim state), while adhering to realism in relation to Egypt? If the author had been able to provide theoretically sound answers to these questions, the article could have claimed scientific novelty. Fifth, the structure of the article looks unbalanced - the volume of the introduction exceeds the volume of the sections of the article taken separately. In my opinion, it makes sense to add a historiographical section that brings the reader up to date on why relations between Turkey and Egypt were severed, how normalization began and proceeded, etc. The remaining sections should be expanded, especially the one dealing with the economic sphere (currently the section consists of two paragraphs). The bibliography needs to be expanded by attracting more academic papers. In the current version of the manuscript, the bibliographic list consists mainly of references to news and analytical materials, research papers make up less than half of the list. Subject to appropriate revision of the manuscript, the article may be of interest to the journal's audience.

Third Peer Review

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The reviewed article is devoted to the study of the impact of the normalization of Turkish-Egyptian relations on the political, economic and geopolitical spheres. The research methodology is based on the use of the institutional method, the study of official and diplomatic documents, the analysis of official statistical data on the development of the economy and trade in the two countries, the synthesis of scientific publications in different languages on relations between Turkey and Egypt. The authors attribute the relevance of the work to the process of normalization of Turkish-Egyptian relations, the transition of the Turkish government from an identity-oriented policy to a realistic policy that prioritizes national interests in relations with Egypt, as well as Egypt's positive response and the restoration of bilateral relations. The scientific novelty of the reviewed study consists in the author's assessment of the impact of the steps taken by the administrations of Turkey and Egypt to normalize relations on the political, economic and geopolitical spheres between the two countries, as well as in substantiating a political forecast about the future of Turkish-Egyptian relations. Structurally, the following sections are highlighted in the text of the publication: Introduction, Impact of normalization of Turkish-Egyptian relations on the political sphere, Impact of normalization of relations between Turkey and Egypt on the economic sphere, Impact of normalization of relations between Turkey and Egypt on the geopolitical sphere, Conclusion and Bibliography. In the article, the authors note that the normalization of relations between the two countries has positive consequences not only from the point of view of bilateral relations, but also from the point of view of developing common positions in regional crisis zones.It was noted that with the restoration of relations, there has been a positive trend in mutual economic relations, the volume of trade has increased, there is an increase in investments by Turkish companies in Egypt, and steps are being taken to develop joint investments in African countries. It has also been suggested that the Turkish-Egyptian alliance could become an important milestone in uniting the countries of the region, from the Persian Gulf to Iran. The bibliographic list includes 20 sources – scientific publications by foreign and domestic authors on the topic in foreign and Russian languages, as well as online resources. The text of the publication contains targeted references to the list of references confirming the existence of an appeal to opponents. Of the comments that attract attention, it is worth noting the following. Firstly, the wording of the purpose of the article is repeated twice in the introduction almost verbatim – it seems superfluous. Secondly, it is appropriate to name the "Conclusion" section in the plural, especially since two new results from a scientific point of view are reflected here. The reviewed material corresponds to the direction of the journal "Law and Politics", reflects the results of the author's research, may arouse interest among readers, and may be recommended for publication after revision in accordance with the comments made.