Abstract: The subject of the study is the political and legal teachings of Heraclitus of Ephesus, examined in the context of the historical experience of political life in Ephesus in the 6th–5th centuries BC. Special attention is given to the problem of civil strife (Greek: στάσις) as one of the key factors in the development of the ancient Greek polis and the institution of aisymnetia (Greek: αἰσυμνήτια) as a mechanism for overcoming it. The research aims to reconstruct Heraclitus's political and legal ideal through an analysis of the relationship between specific historical circumstances accompanying the emergence of the Ephesian polis and the philosophical understanding of the universal law of struggle and the unity of opposites. Historical examples of the actions of the aisymnetes in Ephesus and other Ionian cities are considered, as well as their significance for shaping concepts of a just political order. A particular focus is placed on analyzing the role of Hermodorus, the political experience of Heraclitus himself, and their possible influence on the formation of his philosophical and legal views. The methodological foundation consists of historical-genetic, hermeneutic, and comparative-historical methods, as well as the reconstruction of fragments from the treatise "On Nature," based on the translation and interpretation by A.V. Lebedev. The scientific novelty of the study lies in the substantiation of the hypothesis that the institution of aisymnetia, as an extraordinary form of mediation intended to overcome civil strife, significantly influenced the development of Heraclitus's political and legal philosophy. It is shown that the philosophical teaching on war (Greek: πόλεμος) as a universal law of being not only has an ontological but also a political and legal content, reflecting the experience of normative transformation of destructive conflict into orderly political opposition. The conclusion is made that Heraclitus's political and legal ideal cannot be adequately described through traditional categories of aristocracy, democracy, or monarchy. A more accurate interpretation is that of philosophical nomocracy, based on the supremacy of common law and the mediating role of philosopher-judges, ensuring the preservation of civil concord through just regulation of social contradictions.

Keywords: Heraclitus of Ephesus, stasis, polemos, polis, aesymnetia, philosophical nomocracy, civic consensus, nomos, Ancient Greece, political-legal doctrine

Abstract: The article presents an analysis of the development of ideas of nonviolent protest among African Americans in the USA during the period following the civil rights movement. The 1970s–1990s remain one of the least studied chapters in the history of the African American movement, particularly in terms of the evolution of ideology. Notably, during this period, significant changes took place within the nonviolent camp that largely determined the modern state of protest. The object of the study is the peaceful movement of African Americans. During this time, there was a decrease in protest activity due to the formal achievement of legal equality; however, this did not lead to its complete cessation. The subject is the ideological transformation of African American nonviolence. The ideology of peaceful protest was formed in the 1950s–1960s, and significant changes occurred within it during the specified period. The research is situated within the framework of intellectual history—a field that focuses on studying the intellectual activities of individuals. The study is based on a historical-genetic method, which involves analyzing phenomena in their development. This method was used to characterize the changes that occurred in the ideological landscape of nonviolent protest during the studied period. To identify the specifics of the ideological transformation, a comparative method was employed. The scientific novelty of the research lies in the analysis of human rights activities as a significant part of the African American protest in the USA, primarily conducted through the NAACP. This issue has not been adequately addressed in either foreign or domestic historiography, despite its role in the fight against discrimination. The study also demonstrates the connection between the activities of the Association and the changing legal status of African Americans. The main conclusion of the research is that the work of the NAACP played a key role in the transformation of the legal status of African Americans. An important feature of the Association's activities was that the organization operated within the system, utilizing existing legislation and lobbying tools to achieve change. Furthermore, the work of the NAACP had a consolidating effect on the colored community in the USA, contributing to the growth of their civic awareness.

Keywords: nonviolent protest of African Americans, affirmative action, Civil Rights, John Lewis, Ralph Abernathy, Thurgood Marshall, Joseph Lowery, racial segregation, SCLC, Poor People's Campaign

Abstract: The article attempts to approach the understanding of the worldview of the political elites of Czech society in the early 14th century through the analysis of the image of the ideal ruler, as portrayed in the "Rhymed Chronicle" by the so-called Dalimil. This defines the relevance of the research in connection with the increasing interest of contemporary historical science in the history of everyday life and mentality, as well as institutional history. This image, examined in accordance with the spiritual, political, and ethical beliefs of Czech society in the early 14th century, is the subject of the current study. Its study allows for an answer to the question about the ideals and values of Czech society of that time. Special attention is given in the article to the consideration of the prerequisites for the formation of the image of the ideal ruler in the "Rhymed Chronicle" by the so-called Dalimil. The methodological foundation of the article consists of the principle of historicism and a hermeneutic approach, while a comparative analysis of the "Rhymed Chronicle" by the so-called Dalimil and the Old Czech "Alexanderiad," written at the turn of the 13th-14th centuries, highlights distinctive features in the representation of the ideal ruler in the chronicle. The scholarly novelty of the presented article is defined by its emphasis on a comprehensive study of the portrait of the ideal monarch rather than on individual aspects. The research demonstrated that the creation of the portrait of the ideal sovereign was influenced by the widespread adoption of chivalric culture among the Czech nobility in the 13th–14th centuries, as well as by political events that unfolded in the Kingdom of Bohemia at the end of the 13th and the beginning of the 14th century. Ideal rule was determined by the sovereign's adherence to Christian values, chivalric virtues, orientation towards the Czech aristocracy in making political decisions, and the exclusion of German courtiers from the court. The author concludes that in the "Rhymed Chronicle" of Dalimil, as well as in the Old Czech "Alexanderiad," the image of the ideal ruler reflected a change in perceptions of royal power that developed among the political elites of Czech society by the end of the 13th and the beginning of the 14th century.

Keywords: royal power, social thought, chivalric culture, Christian morality, aristocracy, virtues, sins, the Přemyslids, Czech Kingdom, Holy Roman Empire

Abstract: This study examines the representation of the Young Turk Revolution of 1908–1909 in the Russian periodical press within the context of the Armenian Question and explores the formation of assessments of post-revolutionary reforms in newspapers representing different political orientations. Particular attention is paid to the interpretation of the Armenian Question as a key criterion for evaluating the policies of the Young Turk regime, the analysis of the rhetorical strategies employed by correspondents, and the influence of the ideological positions of individual publications on their interpretation of the Young Turk Revolution. The aim of the study is to identify the principal features of the Russian press's perception of the revolutionary transformations, determine the role of the Armenian Question in evaluating the policies of the Young Turk regime, and reconstruct the main rhetorical and discursive models used to interpret developments in the Ottoman Empire. The research is based on materials published in Russian newspapers between 1908 and 1909, selected to represent the major political trends in the Russian periodical press. The study employs comparative-historical, historical-genetic, and problem-chronological methods. Elements of content analysis were applied in examining the sources, while discourse analysis occupies a central place in the methodological framework. The findings demonstrate that the Russian periodical press employed stable rhetorical and discursive constructions, including metaphors, historical analogies, rhetorical questions, and binary oppositions, through which it shaped perceptions of the constitutional reforms of the Young Turk regime, the national policy of the Ottoman Empire, and the prospects for resolving the Armenian Question. The scholarly novelty of the study lies in its comprehensive examination of the Russian periodical press as an independent historical source for investigating public and political perceptions of the Young Turk Revolution through the lens of the Armenian Question. The findings contribute to a broader understanding of the role of the Russian periodical press in shaping public opinion on international relations and national policy in the early twentieth century and provide a more nuanced interpretation of the Armenian Question in pre-revolutionary Russian public and political discourse.

Keywords: Young Turk Revolution, Armenian Question, Christian Question, Ottoman Empire, Russian periodical press, public opinion, political discourse, Young Turks, constitutionalism, political reforms

Abstract: The subject of the study is the legal status of the institution of vicegerency in the Kingdom of Poland from 1815 to 1874. The purpose of the work is to trace the evolution of the degree of legal definiteness of the viceroy's status as an indicator of the transformation of imperial policy toward the Polish territories. During the constitutional period, the viceroy's powers were established by a special act, the decree of 17 April 1818. After the abolition of the constitution, the Organic Statute of 1832 contained no provision defining the viceroy's status, and the same decree of 1818 remained the sole formal basis of his authority for the following decades. The change of course at each stage was linked to the imperial center's reaction to the Polish uprisings. Paskevich's memorandum of 1847 shows that legal indefiniteness was regarded not as a gap but as a functional condition of governing the region. In the 1860s and 1870s, the successive abolition of the Kingdom's distinct institutions led to the narrowing of the viceroy's powers, culminating in the abolition of the office in 1874. The study applies the historical-genetic method to trace the transformation of the institution's legal status, the historical-comparative method to identify the features of each stage of its evolution, and the historical-legal approach, which treats legislative acts as elements of an actually functioning legal system. The novelty of the research lies in the fact that, for the first time in Russian historiography, a comprehensive analysis of the degree of legal definiteness of the viceroy's status across the entire span of 1815–1874 is undertaken as an indicator of imperial policy. The principal conclusions are as follows. A direct dependence is established between the degree of legal definiteness of the viceroy's powers and the character of imperial policy toward the Kingdom of Poland: clear legislative formalization accompanied periods when the center was prepared to fix its relations with the region, whereas deliberate indefiniteness corresponded to a mode of governance unconstrained by legal obligations. The author's particular contribution is the interpretation of the 44-year persistence of the 1818 act not as an accidental legislative gap but as a form of deliberate legal indefiniteness reflecting the dual position of the Kingdom of Poland within the Russian Empire.

Keywords: Kingdom of Poland, institution of viceroyalty, viceroy, Constitutional Charter, Organic Statute, Journal of Laws, legal status, imperial policy, I. F. Paskevich, Russian Empire

Abstract: The article is devoted to the institution of co-rule in the Early Empire in the context of the ideological policy of Emperor Augustus. Drawing on two specific cases – Agrippa and Tiberius – it analyzes the mechanism of conferring powers on co-rulers, their actual political position in relation to the princeps, and how their status correlated with the ideological concept of the "restored republic." By the institution of co-rule, this study understands the repeated procedure of conferring powers (imperium maius and tribunicia potestas), which presupposes the participation of the senate as a formal organ of power. The criteria for institutionality are senatorial confirmation of powers, the repeatability of the procedure in different cases (Agrippa, Tiberius), and the perception of this practice by contemporaries as a legitimate norm. Accordingly, the subject of the study is the institution of co-rule as an instrument and element of Augustus's ideological policy. The methodological basis of the study comprises the principle of historicism, historical-comparative and historical-genetic methods, as well as formal-legal analysis of the constitutional powers of the princeps and his "colleagues." The source base of the study consists of narrative historical works of ancient authors – Cassius Dio, Tacitus, and Suetonius – as well as epigraphic materials, primarily the Res Gestae Divi Augusti. The scientific novelty of the study is determined by several aspects. First, in contrast to the works of F. Hurlet and J.-M. Roddaz, which focus on the legal analysis of the powers of co-rulers, the institution of collega imperii is examined in this article as an instrument of Augustus's ideological policy, which ensured the legitimation of the regime through an appeal to republican collegiality. Second, the study analyzes the perception of this institution by contemporaries on the basis of narrative sources, which makes it possible to show that the gap between formal equality and the actual subordination of co-rulers was perceived by the elite as a legitimate political practice. The study concludes that the institution of co-rule performed two interrelated functions: on the one hand, it served as an element of the ideological concept of the "restored republic," ensuring formal collegiality of power; on the other hand, it legitimized the transit of power, creating a figure of an already legitimate successor who already possessed all the necessary powers.

Keywords: Ancient Rome, Roman Empire, Principate, co-rule, collegae imperii, Augustus, Agrippa, Tiberius, ideological policy, collegiality

Abstract: The article analyzes the position and administrative-legal status of non-Orthodox and heterodox religious communities in the territory of the Nizhny Novgorod diocese in the late 18th – early 19th centuries. The focus is on the mechanisms of interaction between these groups and the episcopal authority represented by the Nizhny Novgorod Spiritual Consistory, as well as the phenomenon of "archival silence" – the extremely rare presence of information about non-Orthodox communities in the Consistory's archives. The author examines the reasons for this phenomenon, linking them to the jurisdictional delineation of the imperial governance system, where control over "external dissenters" was transferred to secular authorities. Special attention is given to the legal consciousness of non-Orthodox subjects – newly baptized Finno-Ugric peoples (Mordvins, Mari), Muslim Tatars, and representatives of West European confessions. Based on specific archival files, the mechanisms for resolving interconfessional conflicts, mixed marriages, and conversions to Orthodoxy are reconstructed. The research is based on a historical-archival analysis of the administrative materials of the Central Archive of the Nizhny Novgorod Region (TsANO), critical interpretation of sources through the lens of a "bureaucratic filter," and systemic principles to reconstruct the local model of state-confessional governance during the specified period. The scientific novelty of the work lies in the fact that it presents the first comprehensive reconstruction of the situation of all categories of non-Orthodox populations in the Nizhny Novgorod diocese (Catholics, Lutherans, Muslims, and pagans) during the dynamic period of Alexander I's liberal policies, based on a wide corpus of previously unused archival materials from TsANO. The author justifies the concept of "archival silence" and proves that the scarcity of information about heterodox and non-Orthodox individuals in the funds of the Spiritual Consistory is attributed not to the small number of these communities, but rather to strict jurisdictional delineation: their control was under the jurisdiction of the Orenburg Muslim Spiritual Assembly, the governor's office, and other secular instances. This approach enabled the identification of the selectivity of imperial confessional policy, where "internal dissenters" (Old Believers) were subjected to intense ecclesiastical oversight, while "external" groups (Catholics, Muslims, Protestants) remained within the purview of secular administration. Additionally, the legal consciousness of newly baptized individuals was analyzed in detail for the first time through the lens of formal acceptance of Orthodoxy as a social adaptation rather than a spiritual choice, which significantly complements existing historiographical representations of religious identity in the early 19th century Russian Empire.

Keywords: Nizhny Novgorod diocese, Non-Orthodox denominations, Non-believers, State-religious relations, Muslim spiritual assembly, Double faith, Nizhny Novgorod spiritual consistory, Jurisdictional delineation, Archival silence, Legal consciousness of non-Orthodox subjects

Abstract: The subject of the research is the birth rate of second and subsequent children in rural areas of the Krasnoyarsk Krai from 1991 to 2000, considered a key component of population reproduction in the context of post-Soviet socio-economic transformation. The object of the study is the rural population of Krasnoyarsk Krai in the 1990s. The author examines aspects of the topic such as the dynamics of the absolute numbers and proportions of second, third, and higher-order births, their contribution to the overall decline in the number of births, as well as the age characteristics of these orders based on the distribution of births by maternal age and birth order. Special attention is paid to differentiating between structural and behavioral mechanisms of the decline in birth rates, the phenomenon of "order asymmetry" in the demographic crisis, and the resilience of second births within the structure of the birth rate of the rural population of the Krai. The author compares regional indicators with general Russian rural data for the same period. The methodological foundation of the work consists of historical-demographic analysis methods: comparative-temporal and structural analysis, as well as an assessment of the contribution of individual birth orders to the overall change in their numbers (decomposition by order). The source base was formed from current statistics from Rosstat and Krasnoyarskstat. The novelty of the research lies in the fact that the dynamics of second and subsequent births in the rural areas of Krasnoyarsk Krai from 1991 to 2000 has become an independent subject of historical-demographic analysis with annual coverage and age breakdown by birth order. The main conclusions of the conducted research are positions stating that the demographic decline in the Krai exhibited pronounced "order asymmetry": while the absolute number of second births decreased (by 38%), their share in the structure remained stable (around one-third), whereas the share of third and higher-order births fell by more than ten percentage points. It was established that the reduction of higher orders concentrated in the age groups of 25-39 years accounted for the main contribution to the overall decline in the number of births, while second births maintained their stability in the birth structure. A substantial contribution of the author is the conclusion that a relatively higher initial level of birth rate did not slow down the structural transformation, and the region underwent an accelerated phase of structural convergence with the general Russian model of low birth rates.

Keywords: birth rate, birth order, second births, large families, total fertility rate, rural population, Krasnoyarsk Krai, post-Soviet period, population reproduction, second demographic transition

Abstract: The subject of this study is a comprehensive measurement of the regional effectiveness of the public diplomacy of the Republic of Turkey in the South Caucasus from 1991 to 2025. The object of analysis includes all the main channels and tools of Turkish influence - from institutional agencies (TİKA, YTB, Maarif Foundation) and the media holding TRT to energy and transportation corridors BTC-TANAP-BTK and educational programs Türkiye Bursları. Special attention is given to comparing the dynamics of Turkey's perception in Azerbaijan, Georgia, and Armenia, evaluating the contribution of humanitarian, cultural, infrastructural, and digital initiatives to the formation of sustainable cooperative networks, as well as identifying the factors determining the asymmetry of results in the three national contexts of the South Caucasus. Using a multi-level framework of 'soft power 2.0 - infrastructure diplomacy - digital legitimacy,' the work aims to show how Turkish efforts contribute to regionalization and the reorientation of communication flows against the backdrop of geopolitical transformations in the 2020s. The study relies on a mixed methods approach, combining content analysis of 2,785 media materials, causal-comparative methodology (csQCA) for the factors influencing the perception of Turkey, and 18 semi-structured interviews with experts in Baku, Tbilisi, and Yerevan. Firstly, the study introduces an original integral index of regional public diplomacy effectiveness (Regional Public Diplomacy Effectiveness Index, RPDEI), allowing for quantitative comparison of results across the three countries and three tracks of influence. Secondly, it proposes for the first time the conceptualization of 'infrastructure public diplomacy' as a specific form of political communication that combines the construction of corridors and cultural-educational programs within a unified message of 'common benefits,' refining and expanding Nye's approach to 'soft power.' Thirdly, based on an original media monitoring dataset 'MediaTrend-Caucasus' (1998-2024) and survey data from Baku, Tbilisi, and Yerevan (n = 3,600), the study identifies cognitive determinants of positive attitudes toward Turkey that have not been previously described in the literature. Finally, the study systematically analyzes the interaction of Turkish humanitarian projects with the ESG agenda of trans-Anatolian energy corridors for the first time, demonstrating that ecological rhetoric ('green TANAP') is used as an additional resource for legitimization among youth audiences in the region.

Keywords: public diplomacy, soft power, infrastructural diplomacy, South Caucasus, Azerbaijan, Georgia, Armenia, energy corridors, cultural policy, effectiveness index

Abstract: The subject of this research is the Educational programs and textbooks of the humanities cycle (history, ethics) used in the colleges of American Protestant missionaries in the Ottoman Empire in the second half of the XIX – early XX century. The purpose of the article is to analyze the content of humanities disciplines as a tool for shaping students' worldviews and to characterize the educational activities of missionaries as a factor in US public diplomacy. The source base consists of the memoirs of American missionaries – the founders of some of the most famous colleges, reports of these colleges, namely: catalogs of Robert College, the Syrian Protestant College (American University in Beirut), Euphrates and Anatolian Colleges, as well as textbooks directly by P. Myers on the history of the Middle Ages and "Modernity", J. Seth and J. Mackenzie on ethics. The research is based on historical – genetic and comparative – methods, as well as methods of content analysis and discourse analysis. The study reflected the evolution of the approach of American missionaries to the nature of education: from the model of direct proselytism to secular education, focused primarily on the needs of Christian minorities. Based on the material of history textbooks, the construction of a negative image of the Ottoman Empire is shown: through the selectivity of facts, asymmetry in the description of conflicts and silence about reforms, the empire was portrayed as a despotic, backward and unable to develop state. Ethics textbooks taught students Western liberal values that were in direct conflict with Ottoman realities. Thus, humanitarian education in American colleges of the Ottoman Empire fulfilled a worldview function, forming a Western-centric picture of the world among students and, among other things, an intellectual basis for loyalty to the United States, which objectively undermined the legitimacy of the Ottoman state. The novelty of the research consists in conducting a microanalysis of specific educational texts, which made it possible to reconstruct the substantive mechanisms of cultural indoctrination, and not only the institutional history of American missionary colleges in the territory of the Ottoman Empire in the XIX – early XX century. The results of the study can be used in research on the history of US foreign policy, the Ottoman education system, the mechanisms of "soft power" and intercultural interactions.

Keywords: XIX century, XX century, U.S.-Ottoman relations, The missionaries, educational diplomacy, soft power, USA, Ottoman Empire, constructing a foreign policy image, colleges

Abstract: The subject of the study is the historiography of the establishment, development, and activities of the Military Scientific Committee (VUK) in the 19th century as a key institution for managing military science in the Russian Empire, identifying gaps and insufficiently researched aspects in the works of predecessors. The research conducted demonstrates the evolution of scientific approaches to this issue: from departmental historical works of the pre-revolutionary period to modern comprehensive studies. The analysis reveals significant gaps in the existing historiography: the absence of specialized studies on the organizational structure, personnel composition, and practical outcomes of the VUK's activities, as well as the fragmented coverage of its interaction with other scientific and technical bodies of the military department. The study of the dialectical interaction between theoretical research and the practical needs of the military department becomes particularly relevant, as does the analysis of the professionalization process of military scientists within a bureaucratic system. The methodological basis of the research consists of a systematic approach to historiography analysis, integrating source studies, institutional, and comparative methods. A critical analysis of the scientific works on the activities of the VUK is conducted through the lens of the historical-genetic method, which allows for the identification of the evolution of scientific concepts. The comparative-historical method provides tools for comparing various historical concepts. The scientific novelty of the work lies in the systematization of the historiographical heritage on this issue and the identification of promising directions for further research. The study covers institutional aspects of its functioning. The practical significance of the research consists in identifying new promising vectors for analyzing the processes of military technology transfer. The results obtained deepen the understanding of the mechanisms of modernization of the armed forces of the Russian Empire and make a substantial contribution to the development of historiography of domestic science and technology. The analysis of historiography shows that certain aspects of the VUK's activities have only been studied in the context of related problems, while a comprehensive study of its establishment, development, and functioning is still lacking. The results of the research enhance the understanding of modernization by revealing the institutional foundations through the coordinating role of the VUK in integrating theory and army practice. They uncover the "human dimension" of reforms, showing how the professionalization of scientists and their interaction with the bureaucratic system defined the intellectual potential of transformations. The analysis also demonstrates systemic limitations, explaining why even with a coordinating center, technological renewal lagged, which deepens the understanding of the challenges of imperial modernization.

Keywords: Military department, Artillery Committee, scientific and technical expertise, historiography, history of science, institutional history, historiographical review, Military Scientific Committee, analysis of historiography, the military-industrial complex

Abstract: The subject of this research article is the connection between one of the ancient peoples of the Caucasus, the Tsanars, with Sumer on one side, and the Nakh peoples on the other. Specifically, it examines their cultural and religious practices, as well as their interactions with neighboring cultures. The object of the study is one of the oldest civilizations – Sumerian – and its cultural, socio-political, and religious links with ancient Caucasian cultures in general and the Tsanars in particular. The relevance of the topic lies in the need for an in-depth understanding of the key stages in the development of ancient cultures that played a significant role in the formation of human civilization. The aim of the study is to investigate the question of the origin of the Tsanars and to conduct a comparative analysis of the names "Sumer" and "Tsanar" to reveal the commonality of their origins, as well as the connection of both terms to modern Nakh peoples. The research employed several methods, including historical-comparative, comparative historical-genetic, historical-chronological, narrative, and others. During the research, the author concludes that the terms "Sumer," "Subir" ("Subartu"), and "Sanaria" share a common root. According to the author, the spread of these names in the territory of the Near East and beyond is associated with the Hassuna-Samarran and Halaf-Obeid migrations, whose representatives settled over a vast territory from Southern Mesopotamia to the Caucasus Mountains since ancient times. The scientific novelty of the study is that it is the first work in Oriental studies dedicated to the systemic study and comparison of data about the history of the Sumerians, Subir, and Tsanars to identify the common origins of these peoples and their names. A wide range of materials characterizing the origin and settlement of the Sumerians, Subir, and Tsanars is utilized to address the tasks set. The author also outlines promising directions for further research on this issue.

Keywords: Sumer, Subireans, Tsanari, Sennaar, Urim, Tzoby, Tsani, Eri, Nakh peoples, migration