Sicily between eras: from the power of Sextus Pompey to the reorganization of Augustus

Lenchuk Vladislav YUr'evich Postgraduate student; Department of Ancient World History; Lomonosov Moscow State University 119234, Russia, Moscow, Universitetskaya pl., 1 lenchukvy@my.msu.ru Other publications by this author

Sicily, having a central geographical position in the Mediterranean and being the first "overseas" province of Rome, has always played a key role in the history of antiquity. The island served as the "centric link" of the region and the key to understanding the development of the Roman Empire; nevertheless, its key role was largely overlooked in studies of classical antiquity. In the 1st century BC, Sicily remained the main source of grain for Rome and an important pillar of military power. During the civil wars of 43-36 BC, the island was under the rule of Sextus Pompey, who led the anti-triumvirate movement; after the defeat of Pompey at Naulochus (36 BC), Octavian (the future Augustus) reorganized the province, introducing Roman colonies to the island and severely punishing the cities that supported the uprising.

The study of this transitional period is important both for understanding the evolution of Sicily in the first century BC and for the overall picture of Roman politics on the eve and in the early years of the Empire.

The purpose of the study is a comprehensive analysis of the transformation of Sicily between 43 and 21 BC, with an emphasis on political, social and economic changes. In accordance with this goal, the following tasks are set:

• To characterize the political status of Sicily during the years of the "state" of Sextus Pompey and the peculiarities of his power on the island.
• To explore the administrative reforms of Octavian-Augustus: the creation of new colonies (for example, Syracuse in 21 BC) and the change in the status of provincial cities.
• To trace socio-economic transformations: land redistribution, demographic shifts and the development of the urban structure of the province.
• To compare data from ancient literary sources, epigraphy, and archaeological materials to reveal a holistic picture of the reforms and their consequences.

The time frame (43-21 BC) is chosen as covering the successive stages of Sicily's transformation: the outbreak of civil wars after Caesar's assassination (43 BC), when Sextus Pompey established power on the island; his final defeat by Octavian's troops at Nauloch (36 BC); and the early years of Octavian's reign. and the formation of the Augustan principate, by the end of which (21 BC) the final reorganization of the province was carried out. This period covers the most important political events and corresponds to the final transition of Sicily from a republican to a principled model of government.

The historiographical context. In Russian historiography, the topic of urbanization and reorganization of Sicily was practically not developed during this period. The image of Sextus Pompeius is most often considered only in the framework of broad generalizing works on civil wars, and Pompey Jr. himself remains one of the most famous obscure figures of Rome and is mentioned, as a rule, only in footnotes. The influence of R. Saim's historiographical model is particularly noticeable, according to which Sextus Pompeius is a peripheral and episodic figure; this model continues to have a noticeable impact on modern research. Even in the extensive archaeological literature (for example, in the works of R. J. A. Wilson, R. R. Holloway, K. J. Smith), the aspect of administrative and social reorganization of Sicily, especially in relation to urbanism, remains poorly understood. Attention to the archaeological aspects and the context of the imperial era (for example, L. Pfuntner, S. S. Stone, P. Brunt, M. Fasolo) does not fill in this gap: they cover the issues of transition from the republic to the principate only sporadically.

The scientific novelty of the study lies in the fact that, for the first time in Russian-language literature, the political and cultural results of the August reorganization of Sicily are comprehensively summarized. In contrast to the traditional view of the island as a peripheral area, this study considers Sicily as a key example of imperial governance and the transformation of a former republican province. The role of Sicily is emphasized not as a "forgotten suburb", but as an essential element of the system of the Roman Empire of the first century BC.

The methodological basis of the work is based on a comparative analysis of data from ancient literary sources, epigraphy and archaeological data, involving modern English-language studies of recent decades, which makes it possible to identify political, social and urban processes in Sicily during the transition period.

Sicily at the end of the first century BC became hostage to the severe consequences of the civil wars of the Roman Republic: the seven-year period of domination by Sextus Pompey (which began in 43 BC) left the island devastated and politically weakened ^{[5, p.158] [17, p. 278] [16]}. On the eve of these events, Sicily was Rome's main breadbasket, and its rich fields ensured the food security of the Italian provinces. Under Pompey, Sicily actually turned into a military base: grain exports to Italy were suspended until 39 BC, which dealt a severe blow to local agriculture – demand and prices for grain plummeted, and many lands fell into disrepair ^{[18, p.35]}. At the same time, the constant conscription of peasants into the army, mobilization and confiscation of property aggravated the crisis: the number of refugees and runaway slaves seeking salvation on the island increased. As a result, by the mid-30s BC, the economy of Sicily was seriously undermined, and its social system was disorganized; many cities fell into decline and completely depleted of resources. According to Strabo, the fertile Sicilian valleys no longer produced their former harvests, and losses from conflict and devastation destroyed the island's former stability (Strab. VI. 2.9).

By 36 BC, the situation reached a critical point when the allied forces of Octavian Lepidus and Anthony stormed the remnants of the forces of Sextus Pompey. The fighting unfolded mainly in the west and northeast of the island. The fortified Marsala (Lilybaeum) withstood the siege of Lepidus, but other cities of Western Sicily were captured and plundered (Appian, BC V.98.408). The northeast suffered particularly severe damage: the coastal areas from Tindaria to Cape Peloro, as well as the environs of Messina and Taormina, were subjected to looting and fires ^{[12, p.117] [11]}. After Octavian's decisive victory at Cape Mil (Nauloch) in the autumn of 36 BC and the surrender of Pompey's land forces, Messina was completely looted and partially burned. Thus, by the autumn of 36 Sicily was in a state of humanitarian disaster: devastation swept through most towns and fields, and the population was demoralized.

Having gained control of Sicily, Octavian began to carry out harsh repressive measures ^{[4, p. 382]}. Cities, especially those that supported Pompey, were taxed with contributions of astronomical proportions: according to ancient authors, the total amount of payments exceeded 1,600 talents, which could ruin many municipalities. Pompey's closest supporters, both civilians and military, were captured and executed or exiled. Large-scale confiscations were carried out: significant plots and property became the property of Octavian. He appropriated part of the confiscated land for himself, laying the foundation for the imperial estates in Sicily (later these became the vast possessions of the emperor), and distributed the other part to loyal soldiers and supporters (including war veterans). There is even a case where Roman veterans were settled in place of the evicted inhabitants of Taormina; this illustrates the general policy of Augustus: the expulsion of the most oppositional elements and the settlement of loyal colonists on their lands. Perhaps similar expulsions occurred in other coastal cities loyal to Pompey ^{[1, pp.331, 597]}.

Another important punitive step was the cancellation of the rights previously obtained by the Sicilians. It is known from Cicero's letters that shortly before his death, Julius Caesar granted Latin law (ius Latii) to the Sicilians, and then Mark Antony expanded this gift to full Roman citizenship for many communities. This can be seen from the minting of coins with the inscriptions "donum" or "municipium" in Taormina, Agrigenta, Chaluntia and other cities, as well as from the mentions of their new statuses. However, after the defeat of Pompey, Octavian apparently revoked these privileges. There is no direct evidence of the abolition, but indirect evidence points to a decisive step: as early as 21 BC, according to the records of Pliny the Elder, only three cities in Sicily had a Latin state, although in 44 BC there were significantly more of them (Pliny. NH 1.46). Thus, Augustus de facto deprived the majority of Sicilians of the rights of Romans and transferred the communities to the category of ordinary taxpayers (stipendiarii). This was a serious blow to the prestige of the island and demoralized the local elite. After the end of hostilities, Octavian briefly visited Sicily (in 35 BC), and then handed over control to legates and governors: the island's population had to realize the price it had paid for the defeat and begin the hard work of reconstruction ^{[7, p. 71]}.

Archaeological evidence from the end of the Republican era clearly confirms the scale of the devastation of Sicily. Layers of destruction have been preserved in key cities: for example, in Morgantine, traces of severe fires were found in all quarters of the late 40s and 30s BC, the central market (macellum) was destroyed and other public buildings were damaged, and in the following period the city was actually abandoned: finds of imported ceramics and coins are interrupted in layers at an early stage and dynasties (the age of Tiberius) ^{[15, p. 14]}. A similar pattern – burning to the ground and abandonment – can be traced in Camarina and Heraclea of Mino: they were already stagnating before Pompey, but the war dealt them the final blow ^{[2, pp.319-329]}. Modern researchers emphasize that the combination of Pompey's actions and the subsequent punitive measures of Augustus deeply undermined the island's economy ^{[18, p.37]}. Some, like historian Stone, point out that the destruction could have been the result of military actions (in particular, the attacks of Lepidus), but no one denies the influence of politics and emergency taxes ^{[15, pp.15-18]}. In addition, a new center began to replace the former dominance of Sicily in grain – Africa (primarily Egypt) after 30 BC. During this period, the volume of African bread increased dramatically, and Sicily lost its title as the main breadbasket; its agricultural sector needed time and reorganization to adapt to the new conditions. As a result, Sicily emerged from the era of wars as a bloodless and rebuilt landscape: fertile lands are once again subject to cultivation, and the cities are mostly semi-ruins.

For about fifteen years after the Battle of Nauloch, there is almost no written mention of Sicily. Of the rare surviving evidence, we can only mention the dedication of the "communities of Sicily" (civitates Siciliae) to the imperial legate Gaius Plautius Rufus with gratitude for the "protection of the province", but neither the source of the danger nor the details of this protection are unknown to us. It is known from historical references that before the battle of Actium, the inhabitants of Sicily swore allegiance to Octavian, finally consolidating his power. After the establishment of the principate (27 BC), the island was included among the senatorial provinces; it was governed annually by a proconsul (approximately praetorian level) and one quaestor. It was then that Sicily became a familiar "publica" – a public province without an army, subordinate to the Senate – although it still did not have free citizenship.

A new stage in history began during Augustus' second visit to Sicily around 21 BC. During this visit, the emperor carried out large-scale reforms aimed at streamlining the island. It is believed that it was then that the republican system of tithes (decumatio) was abolished and a fixed tax (stipendium) was introduced. Formally, this is evidenced by a change in terminology: Pliny the Elder calls all cities "stipendiarii" – taxpayers, although this term was used before. Apparently, from 21 BC, Sicily switched to a more predictable collection system (probably again mainly in kind), which simplified budget planning and reduced arbitrariness. As a result, long-term financial stability appeared: farmers knew exactly what percentage of the harvest or a fixed rent they would have to give to Rome ^{[8, p.18] [9] [10]}.

In parallel, a deep political reorganization was carried out. The most important part of it is the foundation of new Roman colonies. According to Pliny the Elder, at least five coloniae appeared in Sicily in 21 BC: Taormina (Tauromenium), Catania (Catana), Syracuse (Syracusae), Thermae Himerenses and Tyndaris. In addition, Messina received the status of oppidum civium Romanorum, that is, the city of Roman citizens. Further, Pliny notes three more cities of the "Latin state" (Latin condicionis) – Centuripa, Noto and Segesta – and calls the remaining communities stipendiarii (ordinary taxpayers) (Pliny, NH 111.86-94.). Finally, he mentions that the Aeolian islands of Liparae have a "cum civium Romanorum titulo", indicating the significant presence of Roman citizens there. All these data allow us to deduce four categories: Roman colonies proper (including Messina as an oppida with a civilian population), cities with Latin law, and ordinary settlements. In fact, by 21 BC, Sicily had acquired six Roman settlements and about seven communities with the status of a Latin city. Modern researchers believe that Augustus, who "revoked" mass rights and citizenship, later (in 21) selectively pardoned some communities: the three mentioned received or retained Latin law, and four more cities may have been granted it later, as part of the same reforms. Nevertheless, he did not fully disclose the rights to all Sicilian cities, considering the previous distribution of privileges to be a political mistake ^{[18, pp.37-39]}.

The other side of the reforms – the settlement of the land by Roman colonists – was of a practical nature. The fertile lands confiscated from the rebels needed to be used, and the Roman authorities used them to house veterans and Italian settlers. The new order solved several tasks at once: former legionnaires received allotments for their service, which stimulated their settlement and economic activity; the lands themselves were not empty, but were cultivated by new owners; finally, the appearance of loyal veterans as a local population strengthened Rome's control over the island. From an economic point of view, the colonies served as fuel for the renaissance: fresh settlers could engage in the revival of winemaking, olive growing and agriculture in densely populated areas where fields had previously been abandoned. Ancient sources and archaeologists note that Sicily soon ceased to be "just a receptacle" – an importer of goods, and began to be more actively exploited according to Roman standards ^{[6, pp.233-237]}.

The location of the new settlements was strategically determined. All colonies were established on the northern and eastern coasts of the island, in areas with good ports and extensive fields (the regions of Catania, Syracuse, Panorama (Palermo), Lilybea (Marsala), etc.). This allowed Rome not only to simplify the export of grain to Italy, but also to supply new cities with everything necessary. The inner cities deep inside the island (Camarina, Morgantina, Hippana, etc.) were not colonized; the damage caused by the war made them less attractive, and the port logistics there were weaker. At the same time, the selected coastal settlements became strongholds – according to Pliny and Dio Cassius, all of them retained their importance in the following centuries. Strabo, who lived shortly after Augustus, even noted that the influx of colonists contributed to the prosperity of Sicily, and the emperor himself was allegedly proud of the abundance and well-being of his settlements. Colonization efforts provided the island with large cities, which in the II–III centuries AD were still active centers: they had baths, theaters, temples and residences comparable to the corresponding structures in Italy ^{[10, p.452]}.

In parallel with colonization, there was an intensive Romanization of social life. Roman laws and institutions were introduced in the new colonies and expanded municipalities: citizens' senates (ordo decurionum) were created, annual magistrates (duuvirs) were elected, and courts based on Roman models were introduced. The population of the colonies was given Latin or Roman rights, which brought them closer to Italian citizens. Typical Latin formulas and titles appear in the epigraphy of that time: the words "colony", "municipium", and Latin names of honorary citizens appear on the coins of the new colonies and on the inscriptions ^[3]. At the same time, bilingualism remained: the Greek language and traditions were widespread (especially in the old towns), but the official level gradually shifted to Latin. For example, Roman laws, decrees, and dedications used Latin terms, while religious texts sometimes remained in Greek. This synthetic approach made it possible to preserve the cultural identity of Sicily, while translating it into the languages of the Roman Empire ^{[13, p.337]}.

An important aspect of the transformation was the imperial quasi-culture. Temples dedicated to the cults of the Augean dynasty appeared in many cities. Archaeologists have discovered altars and inscriptions dedicated to the veneration of Augustus and members of his family in Syracuse, Taormina, Messina. For example, in Akraganta (modern Agrigento) found a sacrificial stone dedicated to "Augustus" – a sign of the official imperial cult ^{[3, p.96]}. Perhaps, with the support of the emperor, the main sanctuaries were also reconstructed: there is a famous Roman temple on the site of the old agora of Syracuse, rebuilt with Roman columns. Obviously, the imperial administration invested in public improvements: roads and aqueducts were improved, baths and forums were built. In particular, presumably already in the Augustan era, the laying of powerful roads connecting the colonies with the main ports began; for example, a partially preserved part of the route from Catania to the middle plateau (Via Popilia) remained. These changes were of a long–term nature: many of the structures built under Augustus were operated in the I-III centuries, serving as an important base for the development of the province.

Tax reforms complemented these administrative innovations. If, after the introduction of stipendium, all communities essentially became payers of a fixed fee (with the exception of the exempt ones, immunes, only colonies and some oppids received this status), then the authorities received a stable income in grain, and taxes became less unpredictable. Pliny reports that after the reform, all other communities are classified as "stipendiarii", which means that they pay fixed amounts – in the sense that this was the introduction of a fixed tax. This arrangement made the post-war economy especially easier: the peasant knew the norm, and was not subject to one-time seizures. Administratively, Sicily retained the status of a senatorial province with a proconsular praetor and a single quaestor, which equaled its position with other stable Roman regions, rather than maintaining the status of a republican colony with two praetors, as in pre-Slavic times ^{[18, p.39]}.

Collectively, Augustus' policy combined punitive and constructive measures. The initial repression and confiscation eliminated the active danger of new uprisings: the oppressed townspeople and the exiled nobility could no longer organize large-scale demonstrations. At the same time, new settlers (Romans and Latins) secured Rome's control on the spot. On the other hand, colonization and reconstruction projects have provided an incentive to revitalize the economy and daily life. By the beginning of the 1st century A.D., Sicily emerged from a chaotic state of wars: the island switched to peaceful agriculture and trade. The cities that became colonies were filled with densely populated populations, artisans worked in them, and trade was booming. Those cities to which Latin law was restored gained new ties with the metropolis – their residents could conduct business in the courts of Rome and participate in political institutions. Military and administrative reforms brought Sicily into the framework of the Roman Empire from the very top: now the proconsul was responsible for order, not the local aristocracy.

In the future, Sicily really became a relatively calm and governed province. In the era of the principate, it was rarely mentioned in reports on wars or rebellions – on the contrary, it steadily supplied grain and olives to Italy, although to a lesser extent ^{[17, p.273]}. Many major cities of the Augustan period (Syracuse, Catania, Panormus (Palermo), Lilybaeum (Marsala) flourished in the first three centuries of our era: archaeologists find an intense life of streets, shopping malls and buildings of this era. Even in the IV–V centuries. In the chronicles, Sicily appears mainly as part of the imperial province, and not as an arena of speeches (no change of power was recorded in it). Most of the administrative structures created by Augustus persisted until late antiquity: municipal councils continued to meet, and colleges of priests guarded local traditions. Latin law and Roman citizenship, although they ceased to be exclusive after the expansion of the empire, left their mark: the descendants of the Augustan colonists and Latin settlers in Sicily considered themselves Romans and lived according to Roman laws, which remained based on architecture, legislation and everyday life.

Finally, it is worth emphasizing that many of August's decisions proved to be durable for the long term. The administrative model of the province he founded hardly changed until the late Roman reform; the way of life, established orders and institutions of "Roman" Sicily were easily transferred to the Byzantine period. There were no more notable counter–revolutions of the "Pompeian" type, as the lack of references to them in the sources shows. On the contrary, Sicily turned into a typical "quiet" province of Pax Romana, where the governors and residents knew and accepted the Roman order.

So, Augustus' policy responded to the pressing problem of Sicily after Pompey. He combined harsh punishments with pragmatic reforms, seeking both to suppress the potential for insurrection and economic recovery. Thanks to his actions, Sicily turned from a de-energized battlefield into an orderly part of the empire. The Roman colonies and Latin communities gave the island a new social base, the revision of rights and taxes ensured sustainability, and the economic recovery allowed people to live stably. As a result, after the reforms of Augustus, Sicily ceased to be a hotbed of instability for a long time and became a relatively prosperous province integrated into the structure of the Roman state. The data of ancient authors (Pliny, Strabo, Dion Cassius), together with archaeological finds, allow us to conclude that it was the Augustan reorganization that set the future course of the history of Sicily – the course according to which the island existed as part of the empire in peace and order for many centuries to come.

The article is published in its final version as approved following the last positive peer review recommending acceptance for publication. It incorporates revisions made by the author in response to prior negative peer review reports that did not recommend publication. All peer review reports, including initial negative reviews, are published in open access alongside the article. All versions of the author’s revisions are archived in the publisher’s repository and may be made available upon reasonable request in accordance with Elsevier’s editorial policies and applicable data availability requirements.
Read all reviews on this article