Hajj in the System of state-Islamic Relations in Russia: History and Modernity

Khabibullina Zilya Rashitovna ORCID: 0000-0001-9519-0529 PhD in History Senior Researcher; Department of Religious Studies; R.G. Kuzeev Institute of Ethnological Research – a separate structural unit of the Ufa Federal Research Center of the Russian Academy of Sciences 6 Karl Marx Street, Ufa, 450072, Russia zilyahabibi@mail.ru Other publications by this author

Introduction^[1]

Hajj, as one of the pillars of Islam, is important not only for individual believers, but also for entire communities and states. In Russia, where Islam is one of the many religions, Hajj plays an important role in the formation of Islamic identity and the interaction of Islamic communities with government structures. Historically, pilgrimage has been not only a religious rite, but also a socio-cultural phenomenon that promotes the exchange of knowledge and strengthens ties between Muslims from different regions. The study of Hajj in the Russian context will allow a deeper understanding of the specifics of state-Islamic relations in the country.

Hajj is an event of huge scale, in which millions of people participate every year. Islamic precepts require every believer to perform it at least once in his life, if his physical and financial capabilities allow him to do so. The Muslim pilgrimage is one of the forms of global mobility, every year from 2 to 5 million believers from 180 countries travel to Saudi Arabia to worship in Mecca and Medina. According to official data, about 1.83 million pilgrims performed the Hajj in 2024, of which more than 1.6 million were pilgrims from foreign countries [Hajj-2024: six reasons why so many pilgrims died this year // Kun.uz – All the news of Uzbekistan and the world, https://kun.uz/ru/90202524 (date of request: 10/18/2024)]. In 2023, the total number of pilgrims amounted to 1.8 people, of which 1.7 million people came from outside the Kingdom, and 184 thousand were domestic pilgrims (KSA citizens and residents) [The General Statistical Office of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia (الإدارة العامة اللرال بالمملة العربية السعودية), June 27, 2023, https://www.spa.gov.sa/w1928492 (date of application: 5.11.2024)]. Since 2020, against the background of quarantine caused by the COVID pandemic, Saudi Arabia has reduced hajj and so far it has not returned to the level that existed before the epidemic [Gambrell J. Saudi Arabia: Hajj pilgrimage returning to pre-COVID levels, 2023, https://translated.turbopages.org/news/saudi-arabia-hajj-pilgrimage-returning-052807978.html (accessed: 08.11.2024)].

The religious practice of Hajj allows Russian Muslims to keep in touch with the Islamic world and feel like an integral part of it. As a number of researchers have noted in their works, in the very action of hajj, cross–borderedness is clearly expressed - a spatially integrated form of interaction that crosses the boundaries of national administrative practices and tries to form, contrary to these boundaries, an awareness of connectedness, interdependence and common interests ^{[1; 2; 3, p. 60; 4]}. The idea of cross-borderism is embedded in the concept of the "Islamic Ummah"/ "world Islamic Ummah", which involves the unification of believers on the basis of Islamic identity, regardless of national, civil, linguistic or other affiliation. This is also accompanied by the desire to observe the rules of Islam regarding clothing, careful observance of rituals and demonstration of religiosity, performing Hajj ^{[5, p. 111]}.

In the early 2000s, the ideological function of Islam was strengthening among Muslims in Russia, the identity of Muslim peoples was increasingly filled with religious content, and the perception of Islam as a faith was becoming more active. In this regard, the number of Muslims performing Hajj is growing, which further strengthens the Islamic identity. Returning Muslims receive public recognition and authority in their communities.

Of the Russian regions, Dagestan is the annual leader in the number of Muslims traveling for pilgrimage (50-80% of Russian pilgrims). Despite this, in other regions of the Russian Federation with a Muslim population, there is also an increase in those wishing to go to Mecca. For example, 42 people visited the Hajj in the Republic of Bashkortostan in 2001, by 2007 their number had grown to 350. From 2005 to 2007, the annual rate of performing the rite in the republic increased by an average of 70% ^{[6, p. 74]}.

In the article, we use approaches and data from the works of specialists who focus on various aspects of the study of Islam in Russia. A.M. Akhunov focuses on the transformations that have occurred in pilgrimage over the past decades, and examines the new challenges faced by Tatar Muslims in the XXI century. We considered this problem using the example of Muslims of the South N.A. Neflyasheva analyzes the Hajj as a social and cultural phenomenon, considering its impact on the identity of Muslims from Russia. The researcher defines how pilgrimage forms connections between different Islamic communities and serves as a place of interaction between cultural and religious traditions.

The scientific works of A. Kane, P.K. Dashkovsky, and E.A. Shershneva are devoted to the issues of Hajj in the system of state and confessional policy in the Russian Empire. In this vein, A.S. Tasmagambetova's monograph "The history of the denomination of Kazakhstan in the late XVIII–early XX centuries" is also interesting. (based on the materials of Islam and Orthodoxy). Although the author focuses on Kazakhstan, it provides a valuable context for understanding Hajj as an element of religious practice in the Russian Empire. A number of quantitative data on Soviet pilgrims are recorded in the work of R. Silatiev.

Summarizing the presented works, we can highlight the key topics: changing hajj practices, its socio-cultural significance, the impact of state policy on pilgrimage and interfaith relations in Russia. These studies provide the basis for further analysis of the Hajj in the context of modern Russian society and its religious life.

This article focuses on the system of organization of the Russian Hajj, cooperation between the state and religious organizations in this process, and pilgrimage as an integral part of international and state-Islamic relations in Russia.

Research methods and principles

Historical analysis allows us to trace the evolution of Hajj in Russia from the pre-revolutionary period to the present. The comparative method is used to identify differences and similarities in the practice of Hajj among different Muslim communities. Interviews with pilgrims give an idea of current trends and perceptions of Hajj among Muslims in Russia. The method of expert assessments makes it possible to identify trends in the development of the pilgrimage movement in the future, to assess the directions and priorities of confessional policy.

Main results

The results of the study show that the Hajj in Russia has undergone significant changes over the past few decades. The increase in the number of pilgrims, the intensification of the work of Islamic organizations and support from the state indicate a growing interest in this rite. However, problems have also been identified, such as financial barriers for pilgrims, the distribution of quotas in the regions, insufficient awareness of the rules of Hajj and the lack of a unified system of preparation for the pilgrimage.

Hajj in Russia is not only a religious event, but also an important social phenomenon. The interaction between the State and Islamic organizations in the context of Hajj requires further study, as this may affect the stability of the state and the development of Muslim communities. It is also important to note that Hajj can serve as a platform for dialogue between different cultures and religions in a multinational country.

Discussion

In the pre-revolutionary period, the cross-border nature of hajj was perceived as a source of "non-traditional" views and beliefs. Until the end of the 19th century, the state authorities considered Hajj as a potential threat to control the Muslim peoples of the empire. Therefore, the conditions for Muslims to go on pilgrimage were not very favorable. During the 19th century, state authorities tried to restrict the departure of Muslims for Hajj, although they did not prohibit it, because they believed that obstacles to its performance would only increase religious fanaticism. It was seen as a source of "popular unrest" and anti-Russian propaganda and as an opportunity for Muslims of the Russian Empire to establish extensive contacts with the Turkish clergy, which could lead to the creation of long-term ties between local Muslims and the Ottoman Empire ^{[7, pp. 28-29]}.

Pilgrimage bans were often imposed in case of outbreaks of dangerous diseases (cholera or plague) in the Hijaz or other countries that pilgrims could cross. The mechanism for regulating the number of pilgrims was the system of issuing foreign passports, the receipt of which was accompanied by bureaucratic procedures. Passports were issued by the governors. The decision to go to Hajj was made by the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the provincial government. It could have imposed a travel ban without specifying the reasons ^{[7, p. 25]}.

One of the phenomena of the pre-revolutionary Hajj is its state regulation, in connection with the ideas in government circles about the Muslim threat to the integrity of the Russian Empire. However, by the end of the 19th century, the tsarist authorities were forced to allow and even support the Hajj, following a policy of religious tolerance and wishing to prevent the negative political and sanitary consequences of unregulated hajj for the empire ^{[8, p. 12]}.

Hajj was banned in the USSR, but to demonstrate freedom of conscience, a limited number of people were given permission to leave. The pilgrimage was irregular, for the entire period of the USSR, about 1,000 Muslims performed the rite ^{[9, p. 144]}. These were spiritual figures and a small number of ordinary believers. Muslims who received permission for Hajj had to be "representatives of the USSR." The State has sought to limit any information about the Hajj inside the country.

Lists of pilgrims were carefully compiled, elderly, convicted, disloyal to the Soviet government, as well as those with "frivolous, unstable behavior" were not sent to the Hajj ^[10]. In 1958, a resolution "On mistakes made in the selection of pilgrims" was sent to the authorized representatives of the Council for Religious Cults. "It is very desirable (the Council telegraphed) that among the pilgrims there should be persons who speak one of the foreign languages (Arabic, Farsi, Tureti), who know the rules of conduct and dogmas of Islam and, according to their level of development and appearance, could leave the Muslims of foreign countries with the correct impression of the life of Muslims in the USSR" ^[11].

Currently, from the state point of view, the possibility of performing Hajj is one of the foundations of Russia's functioning as a multi–confessional state, the implementation of the principle of freedom of religion, and the development of international relations with Arab countries. The issues of its organization are included in the sphere of attention of the State. A centralized pilgrimage organization system has developed in Russia, and positive experience has been developed in the interaction of Spiritual administrations and public authorities.

In 2009, a permanent quota of Russian pilgrims to Saudi Arabia was established – 20,500 people. The maximum possible number of Muslims in the country – 20 million - was taken as a basis. Russia was the only country to increase the quota to 25,000 places. Currently, due to the sanitary and epidemiological conditions of 2019-2020, quotas for all countries have been reformatted.

The formation of quotas for Hajj for Russian Muslims is an important process that is regulated both at the federal and regional levels. Quotas are determined on the basis of agreements between Russia and Saudi Arabia, as well as taking into account the number of Muslims in various parts of the country. Currently, there are a number of problems in the allocation of quotas within the country: 1. Quotas often do not correspond to the actual number of people wishing to perform Hajj in different regions. This can lead to discontent among Muslim communities. 2. There are cases of corruption in the allocation of quotas, which undermines the credibility of the pilgrimage organization system. 3. Many potential pilgrims are not informed about the rules and deadlines for applying for Hajj. 4. The high cost of a Hajj trip makes it inaccessible to many Muslims, despite the presence of a quota. 5. Transportation of pilgrims from remote regions may be difficult, which also affects the possibility of participating in the Hajj.

Measures are needed to improve the transparency of quota allocation and raise awareness of the Hajj procedure. Since 2013, the creation of a unified federal database of pilgrims has been under discussion in Russia, which may solve problems with quotas within the regions. Almost every country has an open database where you can register online for Hajj and get in line.

Since 2002, the Hajj Council has been functioning under the Government of the Russian Federation. Its activities cover various aspects related to Hajj, including quota allocation, travel arrangements and support for pilgrims. It consists of the heads of centralized Muslim organizations in Russia and representatives of government agencies. In 2003, the regulation on the Russian Hajj mission was approved, consisting of group leaders, guides, interpreters and doctors (about 200 people) who help pilgrims in Saudi Arabia during the Hajj period.

The Hajj Council coordinates the actions of tour operators who organize Hajj trips. This includes choosing reliable companies, quality control of services and compliance with safety standards. The Council provides information on the Hajj procedure, necessary documents and travel conditions. He organizes training for pilgrims, where the basic rituals and rules related to hajj are explained. In case of problems for pilgrims (for example, flight delays, housing problems) The Council provides assistance and support by interacting with local authorities and tour operators [Hajj Mission of Russia – official website // https://hajjmission.ru / (date of request: 17.10.2024)].

In general, the organization of Muslim pilgrimages by the state in Russia is officially focused on the following aspects:

1. Providing international support in contacts of Muslim religious organizations with Saudi Arabia and other transit countries; 2. Ensuring the physical and spiritual safety of pilgrims; 3. Monitoring health standards that facilitate the return of pilgrims in a safe state; 4. Coordinating the process of organizing a pilgrimage with the help of an advisory body - the Hajj Council.

Religious organizations work with groups of pilgrims, and the state's participation in this issue is minimal. Based on field research, the following problems are highlighted for pilgrims in the current Hajj organization:

– High cost of pilgrimage. Russian pilgrims, paying significant sums, stay in hotels owned by citizens of the poorest countries in Africa. Hajj in Russia has become a commercial enterprise, actually turning into a business. In 2024, the cost of the Hajj was $5,000;

– Poor quality of medical care and lack of medicines. For example, for 2,000 pilgrims, only one doctor and his assistant travel from the Central Spiritual Administration of Muslims of Russia;

– Sanitary and epidemiological risks for Muslims and Russian citizens. Almost all pilgrims fall ill during the Hajj, most often with viral infections; many have chronic diseases. Most Muslims do not get vaccinated against dangerous diseases common in Arabia before leaving;

– Accidents. Elderly people travel to Mecca unaccompanied, and care for them falls on the shoulders of group leaders and other pilgrims. According to the laws of Saudi Arabia, young women under the age of 45 cannot enter the country without being accompanied by a close relative; however, elderly or sick people can do this, and they often die before they even have time to perform the necessary rituals;

– Insufficient training of spiritual leaders and leaders of groups of pilgrims. Unfortunately, their sermons during the Hajj trip and in holy places do not differ in depth of thought and knowledge. They often tell horror stories, superstitions and legends of unknown origin without references to sources. [Field materials of the author (PMA), ethnographic expedition to Saudi Arabia (Mecca, Medina), July-August 2019].

As for cross-border contacts during the Hajj, they are significantly difficult for Muslim pilgrims, since most Russian Muslims do not speak Arabic, and also often do not know English. Most often, Muslims from Russia communicate with representatives of other countries by gestures, or group leaders act as interpreters. It is very difficult to convey any ideas in the presence of language barriers. Believers also aim to perform rituals and prayers rather than communicate with fellow believers from other countries.

In Mecca and Medina, literature is distributed in many languages, it is written in a fairly simple language and, of course, of the Saudi kind. The Saudi interpretation presents the history of Islam, the history of holy places, creed, and religious practice. Most often, Russian Muslims do not take this literature, receiving a warning at departure about the possibility of importing prohibited literature in Russia and the problems that follow [PMA, ethnographic expedition to Saudi Arabia (Mecca, Medina), July-August 2019].

Conclusion

Hajj occupies an important place in the system of state-Islamic relations in Russia. It not only strengthens the religious identity of Muslims, but also promotes the development of social ties within communities. The study of Hajj in the historical context and in the context of modern realities allows us to better understand the dynamics of interaction between Islam and the state in Russia. Further efforts are needed to solve the existing problems related to the pilgrimage.

The greatest danger for Muslims in all countries is the sanitary and epidemiological conditions associated with visiting Arabia during the Hajj, the spread of viruses in the mass of people, stampedes, accidents. The situation with the Russian Hajj certainly requires constant monitoring. The risks of spreading destructive ideas and recruitment take place in the process of developing any international contacts. The state's support should also consist in providing legal protection for pilgrims from fraudsters, speculators, and merchants from Hajj.

The opinions of experts, whose work is described at the beginning of the article, emphasize the versatility of the Hajj theme in the context of state-Islamic relations in Russia. Hajj is considered as an important element of identity, cultural interaction and interreligious dialogue ^[2], as well as an object of state control and social dynamics ^[4]. The history of Hajj in Russia shows how government policy influenced religious practices. In different epochs, the authorities tried to control the pilgrimage, which reflects the processes of governance of Muslim communities ^{[8, 9]}. Understanding the historical context of the Hajj is necessary to analyze its current state. Hajj can serve as a tool for dialogue between different faiths in Russia. Understanding the importance of pilgrimage can help to strengthen the peaceful coexistence of different religions within the country.

Pilgrimage to Mecca is becoming more and more accessible to Muslims in Russia due to the improvement of transport infrastructure and the organization of group trips, the accessibility of Hajj promotes the involvement of young people in religious practices and strengthens their connection with Islam ^[5]. The new challenges of Hajj will require further research and analysis to understand the current situation of the Muslim community in Russia and the formation of confessional policy in the state.

^[1] The article was carried out within the framework of the Research Institute of the Institute of Economics of the UFIC RAS "Traditional religions and new religious movements in the Southern Urals and the Urals: issues of functioning, state-confessional and interfaith relations" No. AAAAA-A21-121012290084-6.