Application of L. N. Gumilyov’s Ethnogenesis Theory to the Study of Sino-Xiongnu Relations

Fan Tszyalin' PhD in Cultural Studies Postgraduate student, Department of Russian Literature, Heilongjiang University 150006, China, Jilin, Tuanjie Street, Lijing Park fangjialinsofia@163.com Other publications by this author

The Xiongnu are a powerful nomadic people active from the 3rd century BC to the 1st century AD, formed in the vast steppe expanses north of China. As noted in Lin Gan's work "The General History of the Xiongnu", "the basis of the Xiongnu ethnos was the Xiongnu tribe, which probably gradually developed from the Xiongyu, Guifang and Xianyun tribes"^[1]. By the end of the 3rd century BC, the Xiongnu had formed into a single powerful people led by a ruler bearing the title "Shanyu". The full title of the supreme leader is "Chenli Gutu shanyu", where "chenli" means "heaven", "gutu" means "son", and "shanyu" means "great". Shanyu was helped by Tuqi-wang ("tuqi" translates as "just, faithful"), who was divided into left and right princes.

The Xiongnu political organization was an effective tool for internal consolidation and external expansion. Through military campaigns and dynastic marriages, Xiongnu influence spread from the Mongolian Highlands to Central Asia and Eastern Europe. This expansion was accompanied not only by territorial growth, but also by cultural interaction, especially with the Chinese empires, which enriched the political and social structures of the Xiongnu. Under Shanyu's leadership, the Xiongnu military power reached its peak. Their cavalry, distinguished by mobility and combat effectiveness, became the dominant force in the steppes and a serious challenge to the Chinese states. The Xiongnu's military strategy and organization had a profound impact on subsequent nomadic peoples, including the Turks and Mongols. The migration of the northern Xiongnu to the west provoked large-scale movements of the peoples of Eurasia. The Wuhuan, Xianbi, Ruanzhuan and other tribes, ousted by the Xiongnu, advanced into the regions of Southern Russia and Eastern Europe. The Xiongnu social hierarchy had a rigid structure: at the top was the Shanyu, the supreme ruler, below that was the aristocracy (left and right princes), who ruled individual tribes. The economy was based on nomadic cattle breeding, especially the breeding of horses, cattle and small cattle. The mobile lifestyle made it possible to effectively use pasture resources. Hunting, in addition to its economic significance, served as a training for the youth's combat skills. Xiongnu religious beliefs reflected a deep reverence for nature and spirits. The cult of Heaven (Tengri) manifested itself in the title of shanyu — "Son of Heaven". Shamans played a key role in rituals that included sacrifice, rainmaking, and communion with spirits. This worldview demonstrated a desire for harmony with natural forces. The artistic traditions of the Xiongnu were distinguished by a bright steppe flavor, especially in metal-plastic. Bronze products with animalistic motifs, dynamic in composition, served both utilitarian purposes and an expression of cultural identity. Cooperation with China began with border conflicts. The lightning raids of the Xiongnu cavalry forced the Qin Empire to begin and the Han Empire to strengthen the construction of the Great Wall. In parallel with the confrontation, the policy of "heqin" — dynastic marriages - operated. The transfer of Chinese princesses to the Shanyu wives temporarily mitigated the confrontation, although the Xiongnu periodically violated treaties. Nevertheless, these alliances allowed the Han Empire to strengthen its borders and gradually spread its cultural influence. Trade in border markets has become an important channel of interaction. The exchange of silk and handicrafts for horses and furs contributed to economic interdependence. The Xiongnu adopted Chinese weapons and jewelry, while the Chinese adopted elements of nomadic costume and cooking. As Lev Gumilev noted, "if it were not for the Xiongnu resistance, powerful China could have subjugated the whole of Asia"^[2], emphasizing the decisive role of Han-Xiongnu relations in the historical dynamics of the region.

1. Interdisciplinary approach as an innovation of historical research

Chinese scientists unanimously admit that “Gumilev's theory is a successful synthesis of many disciplines — geography (including geophysics and meteorology), ecology, psychology, sociology, history (including archeology and source studies).”^[3]. This comprehensive method of analysis made it possible to transfer the study of Chinese-Xiongnu relations from the level of describing historical events to the level of an in-depth study of the multifactorial nature of these relations through the prism of anthropology, genetics, biology and other sciences.

The anthropological perspective is vividly illustrated by the example of nomadic peoples, whose way of life fits seamlessly into the framework of anthropological analysis. For example, the question of the reasons for the frequent raids of nomads on agricultural civilizations, which at first glance seems purely historical, is in fact closely related to their life support system. The inability of the steppe peoples to produce iron on their own caused its shortage, forcing them to extract the metal through looting. In addition to iron, tea and other basic necessities were the key targets of the raids. This was explained not only by material needs, but also by physiological needs: the nomads' diet, based on dairy products, provided sufficient protein, but was poor in carbohydrates and vitamins. The creation of the "tea and horse barter" system by the Chinese dynasties was aimed at balancing mutual needs. However, the cessation of trade due to famine or wars in Central China deprived the nomads of legal channels for obtaining vital resources, forcing them to forcibly seize them.

Of course, the raids of the steppe people were destructive and unfair, but from the perspective of a nomadic society, the closure of trade routes meant a blockade of survival, leaving plunder the only alternative. Moreover, such actions were not limited solely to material motives. Historiography has traditionally recorded these events superficially, while the anthropological approach allows us to reveal their deep logic.

A striking example is the analysis of nomadic marriage customs, such as the tradition “when a father dies, his wives are married; when brothers die, their wives are taken”^[4]. This is not just a cultural anomaly, but an adaptive demographic strategy. In conditions of extremely low productivity of steppe farming (one nomadic family could need hundreds of hectares of pasture) and high infant mortality (up to 60%), such customs, as noted by the Russian ethnographer B.Ya. Vladimirtsov in his work "The Social System of the Mongols" (1927), ensured reproductive stability: "forced remarriage of widows guaranteed each a woman of reproductive age had at least five births, which was critically important for maintaining the size of the ethnic group"^[5].

Modern research, such as the fieldwork of sociologist Ma Guoqing in Mongolian pastoral areas, confirms the persistence of elements of such practices even in modern medicine: “families still adhere to modified forms of levirate, where brothers are collectively responsible for raising children”^[6]. This provides a key to understanding the ancient Xiongnu institutions.

However, Chinese historiography is often limited to a chronological description of events ("in such and such a year such and such a thing happened"), avoiding an analysis of their structural causes. The actions of the nomads amount to "aggression" or "barbarism", which ignores their socio-economic determinism. A strictly academic approach requires going beyond moralizing, revealing the multilayered motivation of historical actors. This is where anthropology demonstrates its heuristic value: it not only captures human behavior, but also explains its genesis through the lens of environmental, economic, and cultural contexts.

A physical perspective. As noted earlier, Gumilev considers ethnicity as a special energy system, where his original theory of "passionate tension", based on the law of conservation of energy, forms a unique model of ethnic dynamics. In this model, the rise and decline of ethnic communities is interpreted as a dynamic process of energy accumulation and dissipation, similar to the transformation of kinetic energy in classical mechanics. When the internal passionate tension of an ethnic group exceeds a critical threshold, a "phase transition" occurs — large-scale migrations or expansions of civilizations. The sudden rise of the Xiongnu Confederation in the 3rd century BC is reminiscent of a sudden release of the potential of a compressed spring: the waves of Xiongnu military conquests created a dynamic balance with the defensive system of the Han Empire.

The principle of "action equals reaction" is reflected in the work of American scientist Thomas Barfield: "the cyclical strengthening of nomadic empires such as the Xiongnu correlates with the level of centralization of Chinese dynasties — the emergence of a strong sedentary state provokes the military consolidation of nomads into a "mirror empire" to preserve access to resources"^[7]. This thesis is confirmed by the history of Han-Xiongnu relations: the active military policy of Emperor Wu accelerated the reorganization of the Xiongnu tribes, leading to the strategic reformatting of the Southern Xiongnu under Shanyu Huan.

Gumilev also applies the law of vector addition to analyze the driving forces of ethnogenesis. The interaction of nomadic and agricultural civilizations is likened to a mechanical system: the stable social structure of the Han acts as an inertial frame of reference, and the periodic raids of the Xiongnu act as an external force. The transformation of interaction elements (trade, marriage, military conflicts) into vector components shows that the resulting force is invariably directed towards cultural synthesis.

This model reveals hidden channels of energy exchange behind the facade of confrontation: the "potential barrier" created by the Han Dynasty in the form of the Great Wall stimulated the formation of the "kinetic corridor" of the steppe Silk Road. At the critical point of the phase transition, the theory finds confirmation: the military superiority of the Xiongnu in the early period of the Western Han reflected the temporary state of energy overstrain of their system. Wu Di's strategy of "cutting off the Xiongnu's right wing" introduced a dissipative factor into the system, accelerating the dissipation of Xiongnu energy. By the 1st century A.D., the Southern Xiongnu, having experienced a cascading energy collapse, completed reintegration through the subjugation of the Han, while the Northern Xiongnu, like an abandoned body in classical mechanics, began migrating to the west.

However, the reduction of cultural subjectivity to mechanical vectors may simplify the semantics of intercivilizational dialogue. Nevertheless, such an interdisciplinary approach opens up new horizons for analyzing the cyclical nature of Han-Xiongnu relations, rethinking the Silk Road as a space of bilateral energy exchange.

Environmental perspective. Gumilev integrates the principle of dynamic ecosystem equilibrium into the study of ethnic groups, interpreting Han-Xiongnu relations as a form of symbiosis based on biospheric energy exchange. In "Ethnogenesis and the Biosphere of the Earth," he emphasizes that the ecological vulnerability of the Eurasian steppes determined the cycles of "passionate surges" of nomads. The concept of "expropriation of survival", proposed by the French anthropologist R. Grousse in "Empire of the Steppes", complements the theory of environmental pressure: "with prolonged winter disasters (dzud) for more than three years, the probability of nomad raids increases by 300%"^[8].

When the environmental impact (droughts, snowstorms) exceeded the threshold of stability of the nomadic economy, compensation mechanisms were activated in the Xiongnu superethnic system: the horizontal redistribution of livestock through kinship networks was replaced, with a prolonged crisis, by the vertical mobilization of subethnoses for "energy expansion" into agricultural zones. The subjugation of the Southern Xiongnu to the Han in 51 BC is interpreted as the result of exceeding the limit of ecological adaptation: a combination of "black disasters" (droughts) and "white disasters" (snow disasters) in the steppes of Mongolia caused a cascading disintegration of the superethnos. Sub-ethnic groups (for example, the Xutu) migrated to the Hetao Plain, creating hybrid forms of semi-nomadic and semi—settled existence - a biospheric analogue of ecological succession.

Han's policy of "regulated trade" had a double environmental effect:

1. The annual export of 2 million silk scrolls compensated for the energy shortage of the steppes, transforming the military activity of the nomads into economic dependence.

2. Grain imports through border markets changed the diet of the Xiongnu elite, reducing their passion.

This bilateral exchange has created a transit ecological niche along the Yinshan Mountains, where 36 key trading posts have become energy flow hubs. As Gumilev notes: changes in the behavioral patterns of the ethnic system reflect the energy balance of biogeocenosis^[9]. According to his theory of the hierarchy of ethnic groups, achieving sustainable energy exchange between superethnoses generates "border forms" (for example, the Han "barbarians guarding the borders"), which serve as:

- environmental pressure relief valves;

- incubators of new ethnic models.

Biological perspective. Gumilev formulates the principle of complementarity, according to which the formation of the ethnic identity of the Xiongnu and Han is a synthesis of biological selection and social construction. When nomadic warriors encountered the Han garrisons along the Great Wall, subconscious signals (clothing ornaments, battle cries, body odors) triggered the mechanism of "bioidentification", forming an archaic "friend–foe" dichotomy. The graves of the Xiongnu nobility of the Ordos region combine Scytho-Siberian zoomorphic ornaments (biological markers of identity) and Han chariot accessories (a product of socio-cultural interaction). This cultural palimpsest confirms Gumilev's thesis: "an ethnic group is formed as a conglomerate of biological instincts and cultural stratifications."

The policy of "marriage unions" (heqin) particularly vividly demonstrates this duality. The Han princesses who arrived at the headquarters of Shanyu with seeds of cultivated plants and textile craftsmen acted as carriers of both biological (genetic) and cultural codes. Genetic studies have revealed the sudden appearance of the mitochondrial haplogroup Oa-F8 in the Southern Hunnic elite, correlating with the Dunghu origin of the Han brides. This biosocial synthesis (genetic flow + sociopolitical reconfiguration) radically transformed the boundaries of the Xiongnu ruling class' identity.

Marginal groups of "barbarians guarding borders" have become a laboratory of complementarity. The mixing of Han deserters, Xiongnu defectors, and Qian refugees led to the formation of a hybrid identity through:

1. Social connection — the general model of cattle breeding and agriculture;

2. Biological convergence — physical homogenization due to interethnic marriages.

When establishing the system of dependent principalities (Shugo) to settle the conquered Xiongnu in Beidi District, the Han consciously preserved the tribal organization (social complementarity), introducing agriculture to change metabolic patterns (biological adaptation). This two-way regulation lowered the status of the southern Xiongnu from a superethnos to a subethnic component of the Han border system. As Gumilev's theory shows, the Han-Xiongnu confrontation and integration represented a complex game of biological attraction and social repulsion aimed at optimizing energy exchange between ethnic systems.

An archaeological perspective.Archaeology provides a material basis for overcoming the limitations of source studies. For example, the Zhukaigou monument in Ordos (15th century BC, Bronze Age) demonstrates:

- The coexistence of semi-underground dwellings and cattle pens;

- Numerous bones of cattle, sheep and horses, confirming the "Xiongnu roaming with herds" model described in the chronicles;

- The joint discovery of bronze daggers/arrowheads and Han ceramics, indicating early trade between nomadic and agricultural civilizations.

The Jianyang wooden tablets of the Han era, discovered in August 1974 in room No. 22 of the Jiaqiu Houguan settlement, reconstruct the realities of the border region. The entry "The case of debt collection from Ke En by the garrison commander Sui Jun in the 3rd year of Jianwu" (27 AD) proves the effect of Han laws 200 km north of the border.

Therefore, researchers of the history of steppe peoples need to master not only linguistics, but also interdisciplinary tools (anthropology, biology, ecology, archeology). This approach allows you to:

1. To reveal the deep mechanisms of social behavior of nomads (Xiongnu, Mongols);

2. Overcome the superficial fixation of historical events;

3. Analyze history as a complex of biosocial processes.

Interdisciplinarity expands research horizons by providing tools for deconstructing the complexity of historical phenomena. As Gumilev notes, history records actions, but only science explains their causes.

2. Ethnic processes within the framework of the surrounding landscape

In the middle of the 20th century, the Soviet historical geographer V.K. Yatsunsky formulated the key task of historical geography as the study of the geographical dimension of historical processes. His concept included four directions:

1) Natural landscapes of a particular epoch;

2) Ethnic composition and migration;

3) Geography of production and economic relations;

4) Political boundaries and geography of significant events^[10].

Gumilev, developing this idea, introduced the concept of "enclosing landscape", deepening the synthesis of geography and ethnology. According to his theory, the landscape is not a passive background, but a dynamic "host system" that forms models of ethnic behavior and ethnogenesis. This shifted the focus of research from static observation to the analysis of "ethnos-landscape interaction," where the formation and migration of peoples are explained through changes in the environment, climate, and landscape characteristics: "Migrations and processes of ethnogenesis are undoubtedly caused by landscape elements and correspond to climate fluctuations... people influence nature, as they do any faunal forms are similar to it"^[11]. Unlike Yatsunsky's four-dimensional model, Gumilyov's "complementary landscape" treats the environment as an organic part of an ethnic ecosystem. Here, the landscape and ethnicity are like links in an ecological chain that are in constant co-evolution.

In addition to a breakthrough in the scientific paradigm, Gumilev's teaching offered historical geography new research approaches through innovative methodology. Traditional historical research was often limited by sources, especially suffering from selective distortions of historical materials, which drove scientists into the narrow framework of single-factor causal analysis. For example, when studying ethnic migrations, they were usually reduced to military conflicts or political events, ignoring the impact of climate change and environmental transformations. Gumilev, using the time series method, revealed the synchronicity of historical events and changes in the natural landscape, thereby revealing the complex mechanisms of "human-land interaction."

Examining the process of Qin's agricultural expansion and the construction of the Great Wall, Gumilev noted: when the ancestors of the Chinese lived in the dense forests of the Yellow River Basin, the forest barrier effectively protected the fields from steppe sandstorms. However, large-scale deforestation to expand arable land has led to desertification, especially in the area of the modern Great Wall. Sandstorms covered the fields with a layer of sand, causing a drop in yields and an economic crisis. In parallel, sand deposits blocked water sources, draining small rivers. To solve the problem, Qin developed an ingenious irrigation system — the construction of dams and reservoirs on rivers like the Qinghe, followed by the distribution of water through canals. This technology dramatically increased agricultural productivity, providing a food base for the army. The abundance of grain allowed Qin to maintain a powerful army, which eventually united China^[12].

Gumilev emphasized that historical phenomena are the result of a multifactorial interaction, and not the result of a single cause. Therefore, when studying ethnic history, it is necessary to take into account the mutual influence of climatic fluctuations, vegetation transformations, migrations of peoples and military conflicts.

Under the influence of the theory of the "enclosing landscape", Gumilev's analysis of Xiongnu-Han relations naturally fits into the context of the natural environment: "Therefore, studying the history of Eurasian nomads, we get acquainted with the history of the natural conditions of the territory inhabited by them"^[13]. The nomadic lifestyle was determined by the steppe landscape: open terrain, water scarcity, and irregular rainfall created "severe restrictions" requiring high mobility. It was this "need for mobility" that became a key adaptive feature of military organization during the rise of the Xiongnu and the Mongol Empire. Flexible combat formations and maneuverable cavalry allowed the Huns to successfully withstand the challenges of the environment.

"Central Asian nomads, whose culture was fundamentally different from Chinese or Iranian... The Huns, Turks, and Mongols created a stable way of life, technology, literature, and statehood based on nomadic cattle breeding. Even with constant contact with the Chinese, they did not adopt either writing or social institutions. Their ethnographic uniqueness was determined by the economic structure adapted to the steppe landscape"^[14]. Using the peculiarities of the environment, the Huns built a social system with a nomadic core, while maintaining autonomy in contacts with the agricultural civilization.

The Mongol Empire improved this model by creating a complex spatial management system. The Yamskaya service and communication network have become a direct response to the challenges of the steppe landscape. The distributed nature of resources has led to a unique management model — flexible decentralized distribution. Mobile tribal associations have developed in the western part of the steppe with its sparse pastures, while centralized structures have emerged in the humid east with concentrated resources.

Unlike nomadic civilizations, agricultural civilizations developed through the creative transformation of the landscape. In the Yellow River Basin, ancient Chinese society radically transformed the natural environment through hydraulic engineering systems. Irrigation has not only increased productivity, but also created a food base for the military machine. However, the intensification of agriculture has caused an environmental response: deforestation has led to desertification in the Great Wall area. This demonstrates the bi-directionality of anthropogenic impact: the transformation of the landscape provides resources, but requires technological correction of negative consequences.

Thus, the contradictions between the Xiongnu nomadic and the Han agricultural ways are rooted in fundamentally different models of adaptation to the landscape.

The existence of nomadic peoples directly depended on seasonal changes in steppe landscapes. The Xiongnu carried out inter-seasonal migrations in accordance with the distribution of water resources and pastures, especially in the Ordos bend area of the Yellow River, where steppe ecosystems and water sources were a key factor for survival. The resources of this region formed the basis of the livelihood of the Xiongnu nomadic groups, which determined the need for constant control and struggle for these territories during seasonal movements.

However, the policy of military agricultural settlements (Tuntian), pursued by the Han Empire, assumed ensuring food security through the creation of stationary agricultural land, especially in the border areas in contact with the Xiongnu territories. These settlements were supposed to contain large border garrisons. The implementation of this policy provoked conflicts between the Han and the Xiongnu over land and resource rights in the same regions. Against the background of climatic instability, increasing droughts and sandstorms, the bearing capacity of steppe ecosystems gradually decreased, which reduced the living space of the Xiongnu, while the Han sought extensive expansion of agricultural land.

Fluctuations in the natural environment, especially the manifestation of the second Little Ice Age at the end of the Eastern Han, aggravated the degradation of steppe ecosystems. The decrease in temperatures led to a reduction in the growing season of grasses, limiting the productivity of pastures. The Xiongnu nomadic groups, feeling pressure on their living space, were forced to move south in search of pasture resources. The Little Ice Age also limited the livestock of the Huns, increasing the frequency of their invasions to the south, which caused a direct confrontation with the Han Empire in the allocation of natural resources. The increased burden on the Han defense required the mobilization of additional resources to counteract the nomads, which became one of the factors of the escalation of contradictions.

The Great Wall of China, as a military frontier of the Han against the Huns, had not only the functions of a physical barrier, but also clearly defined features of the ecological border. To a certain extent, it marked the zone of ecological division between nomadic and agricultural communities. The wall coincides with an isoline of 400 mm of annual precipitation, which is a key ecological boundary between the steppe and arable lands. South of the wall, there was a gradual development of resources by the agricultural society, while Han agricultural production increased pressure on water resources, soils, and the climate system. North of the wall, the survival of the nomads remained dependent on steppe pasture resources. Thus, the Wall acted not only as a military fortification, but also as a landscape marker separating two economic models. Its dual function demonstrates the inextricable relationship between military and environmental factors in the Xiongnu-Han conflicts.

In the context of environmental conditions and life support patterns, the Xiongnu-Han relations evolved from a simple military confrontation to a multidimensional competition encompassing geographical, climatic, resource, and cultural aspects. However, although Gumilev's theory has a unique explanatory power in analyzing the interactions of nomadic and agricultural civilizations, excessive emphasis on geographical determinism can lead to underestimation of the complex interaction of environment and culture in social systems.

3. The ups and downs of ethnic groups under the influence of passionate energy

Gumilev's theory of ethnogenesis has built a unique model of energy dynamics that interprets the cycles of the rise and fall of ethnic groups as the movement of the life cycle of passionate energy. According to the model of the "five-phase evolution of an ethnic group" (ascent-acme-overheating-inertia-obscuration) described in the work "Ethnogenesis and the Biosphere of the Earth", ethnic groups at different stages of development demonstrate radically different energy characteristics. This theory allows us to explain the paradoxical aspects of the Xiongnu-Han confrontation.

"In the period from the second to the first century BC, the Han economy, culture and population experienced a rapid recovery. The empire's territory expanded, and the population reached approximately 59.6 million people. At the same time, the total number of Huns was only about 300 thousand, creating a clear imbalance of power. However, the absolute power of ancient states was determined not only by demographic indicators, but also by the phase of ethnogenesis or the "age" of an ethnic group. Since the process of China's ethnic formation began as early as the 9th century BC, by the 2nd century BC it had entered an inertial phase (the dominance of a hardworking but initiative-less population). The Han army had to recruit prisoners and border tribes who perceived the empire as an oppressor. Therefore, despite the presence of talented commanders, the combat capability of the troops remained low. At the same time, the Huns were in a phase of ascent and acme, where the concepts of "army" and "ethnos" merged into one. That is why in the period from 202 to 57 BC, despite their small numbers, the Xiongnu successfully resisted the Han expansion. It was only through skilful pitting of tribes and provoking internal strife among the Huns that the Han envoys were able to ensure the victory of the empire"^[15].

For the Han Empire, the ethnic process that began under the Zhou feudal system (around the 9th century BC) led to the entry into an inertial phase of ethnogenesis by the Wu Di era^[16]. (According to Gumilev's periodization: the Chunqiu era is the "phase of ascent", the period of the Warring States is the "overheating of passion", the Qin era is the "phase of fracture", the Han is the "inertial phase", the end of the Han and the era of the Three Kingdoms is the "phase of obscuration".) This stage was manifested through the multiplication of entropy imbalances:

1) Demographic trap: “The population of the early Western Han is estimated at 15-18 million people, by the beginning of the reign of Wu di (134 BC), it had increased to 36 million. However, from the middle of his reign, prolonged stagnation and depopulation began, reducing the number to 32 million by 87 BC.”^[17]

2) The weakening of passionarity among the common people.

3) Cultural stagnation: the ornaments of the Han bronze products showed significantly less originality compared to the Shang-zhou samples.

Even Wu's reforms to expand military recruitment through the "Wu ranks" system, with the awarding of 200,000 jin of gold to distinguished individuals, only temporarily increased the concentration of passionaries, but depleted the accumulation of the Wen-ching era, which corresponds to Gumilyov's thesis of "overheating passionarity" as a harbinger of decline.

In contrast, the Xiongnu confederation, as a young ethnic group, was in a phase of ascent. Despite the size of 0.5% of the Han Chinese population, its social organization demonstrated phenomenal efficiency of energy transformation.:

- The "24 elders" system, which turned the entire population into an army, ensured the vertical mobilization of passionaries.

- The ritual of the blood oath at the enthronement of Shanyu acted as a mechanism of collective passionate resonance.

- The steppe ecosystem with a load limit of 5 people/km2^[18] created synergy with nomadic tactics, allowing the Xiongnu cavalry to surpass the agricultural armies in maneuverability (up to 80 km/day versus 20-30 km for the Han troops).

Thus, the difference in the phases of ethnogenesis, which gave rise to an imbalance of passion, negated traditional ideas about the advantage of numerical superiority. This explains why the Xiongnu, who were in the ascent phase, could withstand the inertial Han even with a huge difference in demographic indicators.

Gumilev, introducing the concept of "intensity of passionarity," revealed the nonlinear relationship between ethnic energy and military effectiveness. Despite the presence of individual passionaries like Wei Qing and Huo Qiubing, the Han army as a whole suffered from a structural defect — the predominance of "sub-passionaries." During the Mobei campaign of 119 BC, where Wei Qing destroyed 19,000 enemy troops and Huo Qiubing 70,443, both generals received the title of "Great Commander". However, the dominant force was not the passionaries, but the sub-passionaries. This gap between individual and collective energy confirms Gumilyov's thesis about the inability of systems in the inertial phase to generate a high density of passionarity. An aggravating factor was the system of "seven categories of conscripts" (the mobilization system of the Qin-Han period, aimed at suppressing the merchant class and strengthening the borders. It included: criminal officials, fugitives, primate sons-in-law, merchants, etc.), which attracted marginal groups to the army, which increased the entropy of the military system.

In contrast, the Xiongnu military organization with its "army-ethnic isomorphism" ensured maximum transmission of passionate energy through the phenomenon of "passionate resonance" (the phenomenon of transmission of passionarity through direct contact, changing the behavioral patterns of the recipients). The "whistling arrows" method, introduced by Shanyu Mode, was a ritualized training for creating a network of collective energy exchange. Archaeological finds confirm: “Rectangular animalistic plaques of the Huns of the Late Han period, with images of inter-biting animals and rare mythical creatures, demonstrate continuity from the Late Scythian traditions of the Pazyryk culture of Altai"^[19]. This visual semiotics enhanced the energy resonance of the warriors. The "self—organizing tactics" of the Huns minimized energy losses in the command hierarchy: "From the left and right Xianwans to the Danghu, there are large detachments of 10,000 horsemen, small ones of several thousand, with only 24 foremen, called 'ten thousand men'"^[20]. At the same time, coordination was maintained through the shanyu passion field. Such a flexible structure allowed the Xiongnu in 127 BC to bind the 120,000-strong Han army with a 30,000-strong cavalry corps, then swiftly capture the Hesian corridor. Energy asymmetry (farmers spent energy on logistics, nomads on "war feeding war") predetermined the disparity of military results.

The policy of "peaceful marriages" is being reinterpreted through the prism of energy. The marriages of princesses Xiujun and Seyu with the Wusun rulers represented not just alliances, but a system of implanting "passion retardants" into the nomadic environment. The transfer of metallurgical technologies through wedding suites increased technological entropy: sedentary production weakened nomadic passion. The effect of this "asymmetric energy war" manifested itself during the western migration of Shanyu Zhizhi: the northern Huns, separated from the Mongolian passion field, lost their combat capability, becoming victims of the Gan Yanshou raid.

The decline of the Huns was the result of an "unlimited burnout" of passion: over 150 years of expansion from Mode to Hulugu (209-58 BC), energy consumption exceeded the system capacity. Inscriptions from Noin-Ulinsky kurgan No. 6 record a decrease in the military age from 15 to 12 years ^[21], which indicates a critical drop in the proportion of passionaries. The attempt to "reset geography" through migration to the west became, according to Gumilev, "a futile struggle against entropy through spatial displacement"^[22].

The Han, having won a tactical victory, did not escape the systemic crisis of the inertial phase: the debates at the Yantian meeting exposed the zero passion of the elites, and the Qiang uprisings showed the dependence of defense on external energy sources (southern Huns, Wuhuan).

Gumilev's theory provides not only analytical tools, but also reveals civilizational patterns: while the Han court was drowning in mysticism, the Xianbians, with their "shaved heads and dairy rations," were rebuilding the steppe order; the Hun feuds coincided with the maturation of the Zhuzhan passionist hearth in Altai.

Passionarity explains not only behavioral patterns in dynamic phases, but also the internal mechanisms of ethnogenesis. As Gumilev noted, this force, permeating all stages of the development of an ethnic group, is "a torch leading humanity to new achievements" and at the same time "the foundation for continuing what has begun"^[23].

The article is published in its final version as approved following the last positive peer review recommending acceptance for publication. It incorporates revisions made by the author in response to prior negative peer review reports that did not recommend publication. All peer review reports, including initial negative reviews, are published in open access alongside the article. All versions of the author’s revisions are archived in the publisher’s repository and may be made available upon reasonable request in accordance with Elsevier’s editorial policies and applicable data availability requirements.
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