Historical Features of Spanish Language Development on Mexico’s Yucatan Peninsula

Shakhnazaryan Vladimir Mikhailovich PhD in Philology Associate Professor; Department of Romano-Germanic Languages; Bauman Moscow State Technical University (National Research University) 2/18 Rubtsovskaya Embankment, Moscow, 105082, Russia vlad_shakhov@mail.ru Other publications by this author

Introduction

The Yucatan Peninsula, located in southeastern Mexico, is a unique region where cultural, historical, and linguistic traditions intersect. The Spanish language, introduced by colonialists in the 16th century, developed here in conditions of intensive contact with the languages of the indigenous population, primarily the Yucatec version of the Maya language. The process of this interaction led to the formation of a regional variant of the Spanish language, which is characterized by national and cultural features of the functioning of language units at all levels of the system: phonetic, lexical and syntactic. The purpose of this article is to analyze the historical stages of the formation of the Spanish language on the territory of the Mexican peninsula of Yucatan, to identify the key factors of its evolution and to assess the influence of autochthonous languages on its current state.

The material of this study is based on the works of famous scientists in the field of the history of the Spanish language, sociology, ethnography and cultural studies; materials from monolingual and bilingual academic dictionaries: J. Pérez Pío Diccionario de la lengua maya (1866); Diccionario de Real Academia española (https://dle.rae.es /); Diccionario de americanismos (https://www.asale.org/recursos/diccionarios/damer ); Diccionario del español de México (https://dem.colmex.mx/Inicio ); Diccionario de mexicanismos de Academia mexicana de la lengua (2010); Diccionario del español yucateco (2011), Diccionario de elementos del maya yucateco colonial (1970); J. A. Gómez Navarrete Diccionario introductorio español – maya, maya – español (2009); Diccionario bilingue ilustrado español – maya de recursos naturales (2010); as well as the results of field research conducted by us in 2020.

1. The pre-colonial period: the linguistic landscape before the arrival of the Spaniards

The Yucatan Peninsula in the pre-colonial era was the center of the Maya civilization, whose achievements in architecture, astronomy and linguistics are still of genuine interest to researchers. This region, covered with dense forests and karst formations such as cenotes (underground freshwater reservoirs), was the territory of many city-states such as Chichen Itza, Uxmal and Mayapan, which were connected by a complex network of trade and political relations. The social structure of the Maya was based on a hierarchy, where the ruling elite (ah-kinob), priests and military leaders controlled resources and ritual practices, while the main population was engaged in agriculture, crafts and construction ^{[1, p. 89]}.

Linguistic diversity and dominance of the Yucatec variant of the Maya language

The Yucatec variant of the Maya language (Maya’ ta'an) served as the lingua franca for most of the peninsula, taking into account the fact that the region was not completely homogeneous in terms of language. Neighboring groups, such as Chontal and Itza, used related but distinct dialects, reflecting tribal and territorial differentiation ^{[2, p. 112]}. Nevertheless, due to the political dominance of city-states such as Mayapan (13th–15th centuries), the Yucatec version of the Maya language became established as the language of interethnic communication, administration and religion. Interestingly, even after the collapse of Mayapan in the 15th century, which was caused by internal conflicts, the language retained its role, which was facilitated by a common cultural and mythological base, including the epic Popol Vuh and the chronicle Chilam Balam.

The Maya hieroglyphic script, which was deciphered only in the 20th century by the Soviet scientist Yu.V. Knorozov, played a key role in preserving historical, cultural and sacred information. The texts were carved on steles, ceramics, and in codices such as the Dresden Codex, where astronomical calculations and ritual calendars were recorded. Writing was closely related to power: the ability to read and write was limited to the elite and priests, which emphasized the sacred status of the language. The training was conducted in special schools (kalmekak), where children from the upper strata of the population were taught not only literacy, but also mathematics, astrology and history.

The Maya religion, polytheistic and cyclical, profoundly influenced linguistic practices. Rituals, which included sacrifices and ceremonies in honor of the gods of rain (Chaak) and the sun (Kinich Ahau), were accompanied by special formulas and chants in archaic forms of the Yucatec variant, which emphasized the connection of the language with the sacred ^{[3, p. 122]}. Even the names of the months and days in the Mayan calendar have been preserved in modern Spanish of the Yucatan Peninsula and integrated into agricultural and holiday cycles.

Economics and language contacts

The economy of the Maya city-states was based mainly on agriculture (corn, beans, cocoa), trade, and handicrafts. Yucatan was part of extensive Mesoamerican trade networks that supplied obsidian from Central Mexico, jade from Guatemala, and quetzal feathers. These contacts contributed to the penetration of borrowings from Nahuatl (the language of the Aztecs) and other neighboring groups into the Maya vocabulary. For example, the word kakaw ‘cocoa’, according to scientists from the USA S. Cook and V. Borah, has common roots with the Aztec cacahuatl, which indicates long-term cultural exchanges [, p. 67].

Demographics and challenges

Before colonization, the population of Yucatan was estimated at 1-2 million people, making it one of the most densely populated regions of Mesoamerica. However, epidemics of European diseases (smallpox, measles) introduced by the first conquistadors reduced the number of indigenous people by 90% by the end of the 16th century, traditional social structures were almost completely destroyed and the language shift accelerated ^{[6, p. 178]}.

Nevertheless, before colonization, the Maya created a stable system of bilingualism: the elite often spoke several dialects, and merchants used simplified forms of the language to communicate with foreigners [ibid., p. 210].

2. The colonial period: the introduction of the Spanish language and linguistic synthesis

The colonization of Yucatan, which began with the expeditions of Francisco de Montejo in 1527-1546, led to radical changes in the linguistic dynamics of the region. The Spanish language has become not only an instrument of power, but also a symbol of cultural dominance. However, its implementation took place in conditions of complex interaction with autochthonous structures, which gave rise to a unique linguistic synthesis.

The role of the Church and missionary linguistics

The Catholic Church, acting as the main agent of colonization, was aware of the need to adapt to local realities. Franciscan missionaries such as Diego de Landa actively studied the Yucatec version of the Maya language to spread Christianity. In 1562, Landa organized the mass burning of the Maya codices in Mani, considering them "diabolical writings", but at the same time compiled a grammar and a short dictionary of the Maya ("Relación de las cosas de Yucatán"), which became the basis for subsequent linguistic research ^{[7, p. 45]}. This paradox reflected a dual strategy: the destruction of autochthonous writing and the preservation of the oral language for forced evangelization.

The monks created "doctrinas" schools, where the children of the nobility were taught Spanish and Latin, while simultaneously translating religious texts into Maya. For example, "Santisima Cruz" (1557), the first catechism in Yucatec, contained tracing papers of Spanish terms such as Dios 'god' and angel 'angel', adapted to local phonetics ^{[8, p. 112]}.

Administrative policy and linguistic violence

The Spanish Crown, seeking to centralize government, introduced laws restricting the use of indigenous languages. The "new laws" of 1542 prescribed the teaching of Spanish to Indians, and in the 1570s, Viceroy Martin Henriques de Almanza demanded that priests "not allow sermons in native dialects." However, these decrees were often ignored due to the resistance of local elites and practical difficulties.: By the end of the 16th century, only 5% of the indigenous population spoke Spanish ^{[9, p. 201]}.

The encomienda system played a key role in the preservation of the Maya, where Spanish landowners depended on the labor of Indians who spoke their native language. This contributed to the formation of bilingual intermediaries, nahuatlatos (translators), who distorted the meaning of the decrees in favor of the communities.

Lexical borrowings of the colonial period and adstrate influence

It was during the colonial period that the Spanish language of the Yucatan Peninsula borrowed hundreds of words from the Maya, reflecting the local flora, fauna and cultural practices.:

· Nature: sak'à‘white earth’ → sascab ‘limestone rubble’;

· Religion: k'ex ‘substitution’ → the ritual rite of substitution on Catholic holidays;

· Everyday life: kiwik ‘curl your hair’ → kiwik ‘hairstyle'.

The phonetics of the Maya language greatly influenced Spanish pronunciation: the guttural bow [’], present in words like ma’ ‘no’, became a marker of regional accent. The Spanish intervocalic consonants (d, b, j) weakened, for example, in the word mujer ‘woman, wife’→ [muer] instead of [muher], which is typical for the prosody of the Maya language ^{[10, p. 45]}.

Resistance and hybridization of crops

The indigenous population was hostile to the linguistic assimilation imposed on them. Multiple uprisings and riots, such as the Coupul uprising in 1546, were accompanied by the revival of Maya rituals and the destruction of church archives. Along with this, syncretic elements of the national cultural heritage emerged.

In the field of literature, the chronicles of Chilam Balam, written in Maya in Latin transcription, combine Christian and pre-Hispanic myths, are a significant work.

Cultural and ethnic syncretism also played an important role in architecture: new Catholic churches were built on the sites of Mayan temples, and frescoes depicted saints surrounded by Mayan symbols ^{[11, p. 122]}.

These processes consolidated another cultural and linguistic phenomenon – "hidden bilingualism": Spanish dominated the public sphere, and Maya, as a rule, in private and ritual.

Demographic changes in these territories have led to a linguistic shift and the development of subterritorial variability in the region. Epidemics and forced labor reduced the population of the Yucatan Peninsula from 1 million in 1520 to 140 thousand by 1600 ^{[12, p. 34]}. The Spaniards, whose quantitative component was less than 5% of the population, as a rule settled in the largest cities, such as Merida or Valladolid, while the Maya retained control over rural areas. This division laid the foundation for subdialect fragmentation: the urban dialect was closer to the Castilian standard, while the rural dialect was saturated with substratum elements ^{[13, p. 77]}.

3. The postcolonial period: unification policy, resistance and the formation of regional identity

After the declaration of independence of Mexico in 1821, the Yucatan Peninsula faced new challenges: the formation of a national state required linguistic unification, but the deep roots of Mayan culture, economic and social isolation of the region contributed to the preservation of a unique linguistic landscape.

The Government of independent Mexico, inspired by the ideas of liberalism, saw the Spanish language as a tool for integrating a diverse population. The Law "On Public Education" of 1842 (Ley de Instrucción Pública) required the use of Spanish as the only language of education, which led to the marginalization of all indigenous languages of the country and linguistic discrimination. However, in Yucatan, where 60% of the population were Maya, these measures met with resistance. The local elites, who depended on Maya labor on agave and rubber plantations, often ignored the regulations and maintained bilingualism in all administrative and communication processes.

One of the key events of resistance to the state policy in the field of minority languages was the Caste War in 1847-1901. — The Mayan rebellion against Creole rule. The rebels who controlled the east of the peninsula (now the state of Quintana Roo) created a parallel state centered in the city of Chan Santa Cruz, where the Maya language was used not only in religious rituals, but also in military orders ^{[14, p. 123]}. This conflict consolidated the perception of Maya as a "language of resistance", which, of course, was reflected in the vocabulary. Thus, the following lexical units entered the vocabulary of the Spanish language of the peninsula: cruzob 'followers of the "Talking Cross"' is a term for rebels; xux 'hornet' is a symbol of rebellion in folklore ^{[15, p. 45]}.

The "Golden Age" of agriculture (1870-1915) turned Yucatan into one of the richest regions of Mexico. A unique sociolect was formed on agave plantations and factories for the processing and production of rubber and chewing gum, uniting Spanish owners and Maya workers. Here are some examples:

· Vocabulary of labor: henequén ‘agave fiber‘ → henequenero 'worker'; chicle ‘gum’; cuadrilla ‘brigade’;

· borrowings from the Maya language: k'aax ‘forest’ → cah ‘village in settlement names', for example, Tikul or Mani.

As noted by German researcher B. Fallave, "slave—like working conditions and segregation reinforced linguistic stratification: Spanish was associated with the urbanized elite of Merida, and Maya with the rural poor" ^{[16, p. 201]}.

Educational policy and assimilation in the 20th century

After the Mexican Revolution (1910-1917), the Government intensified its campaign to integrate Indians into Mexican society through education. Thus, in 1921, the Ministry of Public Education (Secretaría de Educación Pública (SEP)) was established, which implemented Spanish-language programs that prohibited the use of Maya in schools, colleges and universities. Missionary teachers (misiones culturales) described Maya as a "backward" language, which led to the stigmatization of its speakers. However, in the 1940s, anthropologist Manuel Gamio initiated projects to document the Maya. Later, in the 1960s, the Instituto Nacional Indigenista (INI) was established, which began producing bilingual textbooks, which slowed down the language shift ^{[17, p. 89]}.

Linguistic features of the Yucatan dialect of Spanish

In the twentieth century . In Mexico, a project was underway to create the Linguistic Atlas of Mexico (ALMex) under the leadership of the outstanding linguist H.M. Lope Blanche, who argued that the Spanish language of Yucatan is distinguished by characteristic national and cultural features of the functioning of multilevel languages of units ^{[18, p. 40]}. The scientist called the root causes of their occurrence, first of all, contact with the Maya language and a long period of isolation from the main territory of the country. Here are some examples:

1. The most characteristic features at the phonetic level, in our opinion, are:

· The phoneme /h/, unlike the Mexican and Pyrenean norms, is pronounced as [h] instead of [ø]. This phenomenon can be traced in 100% of informants in toponymic words "dating back" to the Maya language: Holbox [Holbósh'] 'Holbosh', Xel-H á [Sh'elhá] 'Shelkha', and is also transferred to the inherited vocabulary.;

· retroflex phoneme /r/: comerciante [comeɻsiáņte] ‘merchant', persona [peɻsóna] ‘persona', parecer [paɻeséɻ] ‘to be like’;

· laryngeal bow in borrowings: ma’ [ma’] ‘expression of denial’;

· nasalization of vowels under the influence of Maya: pan [pãn] ‘bread'.

2. The syntactic level has the following features:

· Using the particle ah to label questions: ¿Vas ah? "Are you coming?’;

· pronoun duplication: Ellos los mayas hablan diferente ‘They, the Maya, say otherwise.’

3. The greatest changes affected the lexical composition of the Spanish dialect of the Yucatan Peninsula. The vocabulary of the inhabitants of the peninsula, both monolinguals and bilinguals, has firmly included borrowings from the indigenous language: bacal ‘corn cob‘, p'urux 'man with a big belly’, box ‘guy, Yucatan', han ‘rather’, etc.

4. The modern stage: dialect features, bilingualism and challenges of globalization

At the turn of the 21st century, the Spanish language in Yucatan is a dynamic system that preserves unique features formed by centuries-old contact with the Maya. However, globalization, migration and digital technologies create new challenges for the preservation of regional identity.

Demographics and bilingualism

According to the 2020 census, about 785,000 people (30% of the population of Yucatan) speak the Maya language, while in rural municipalities (for example, Felipe Carrillo Puerto) the proportion of native speakers reaches 65% ^{[19, p. 12]}. However, among young people (15-24 years old), the active use of Maya has decreased to 18%, due to strong internal and external migration to cities, especially to the state of Quintana Roo, and the stigmatization of the language as "not prestigious."

It is interesting that bilingualism in the region is asymmetrical: 45% of rural families use Maya in everyday life, but switch to Spanish when communicating with strangers ^{[20, p. 89]}.

The growth of tourism (more than 5 million people visit Yucatan annually) and the expansion of English have a dual impact. On the one hand, in tourist areas (Cancun, Playa del Carmen, Mujeres Island, etc.), the Spanish language is saturated with loanwords, for example: tour → el tur ‘tour’, booking → el buking ‘booking'. On the other hand, the Maya language is becoming a kind of cultural commodifier: the names of Xcaret hotels (little bay), Cobá (the name of the ancient city); Tren Maya – an excursion train through the main Maya cities; souvenirs with hieroglyphs, etc. According to recent studies by Mexican sociologists, this increases the prestige of the Maya language and culture among young people seeking to emphasize local identity ^{[21, p. 112]}.

Conclusion

The development of the Spanish language in the Mexican Yucatan peninsula reflects a complex process of historical, linguistic and cultural synthesis. The influence of the Maya substratum language system has formed a unique dialect on its territory, which retains its identity despite multiple globalization processes. Pre-colonial heritage, colonial synthesis, postcolonial resistance, and modern activism have created a multi-layered linguistic landscape where Spanish and Maya coexist in dynamic balance.

Further prospects for the study of the Spanish language in this area are seen in determining the sociolinguistic status of the Spanish language in all states of the peninsula; conducting field research and identifying culturally marked multi-level linguistic units, as well as defining the boundaries of their distribution and vitality. Special attention should be paid to the role of digital media in the process of transforming their own norms of live colloquial speech and their interaction with the resurgent interest in the Maya language.