Representation of the "enemy" frame in modern media discourses in Russia and the UK

Maslova Ol'ga Valer'evna ORCID: 0000-0002-7915-914X PhD in Philology Associate Professor; Department of Foreign and Russian Languages; Moscow State Academy of Veterinary Medicine and Biotechnology - MBA named after K.I. Scriabin 117556, Russia, Moscow, Bolotnokovskaya str., 7, building 1, sq. 19 maslova-o-v-1@yandex.ru

Introduction

The topic "enemy" is one of the most common subjects of communication in the history of mass media, performing an integrating function for the audience in conflict situations: "the image of the enemy helps to rally the masses against certain states or social groups" (K. Chernova. The mythology of politics: why states need the image of an enemy // Futurist, 2017.08.02); "the image of an external enemy promotes the integration (negative mobilization) of society, especially in the context of internal conflict. For example, a national idea, a common creation for the benefit of society, contributes to positive mobilization. And when this is not the case, an enemy is needed" ^{[1, p. 53]}. In other words, the enemy image is used by the media environment as one of the key means to protect the interests (or affirm the ideas) of some social groups or states to the detriment of others among a wide range of audiences. A number of researchers, such as S. Keen (1988), R. Fiebig–Von Hase1997, K. R. Spillmann and K. Spillmann (Spillmann, Spillmann 1997), define the concept of "enemy" functioning in the media space by two fundamental features "they" and "we", the components of "the outer group (them), which is evil ("an out-group (them), which is evil")" and "the inner group (us), which is good ("in-group (us), which is good")" (Yandex. Translation, 17.10.2023) ^{[2, p. 19; 3, p. 11; 4, p. 51]}. In addition, Keen (1988), Ottosen (1995), and Rodriguez (2000) note the following features that indicate a detrimental consequence of the phenomenon under study: "threat" (Yandex. Translation, 10/17/2023) ^{[2, p. 19; 5, p. 325]} and "hostile act" (Yandex. Translation, 10/17/2023) ^{[6, p. 101]}: "More importantly, the outside group is problematic not only because it is evil in itself, but also because such evil is directed against us in the form of a threat ("More importantly, the out-group is not only problematic because they are evil in themselves, but because such evil is directed at us as a threat")" (Yandex. Translation, 10/17/2023) ^{[2, p. 19]}; "If an external group can be successfully characterized as evil and a threat, then individuals in the internal group usually form anger, resentment and hatred towards it ("If the out-group can successfully be characterized as evil and a threat, then anger, resentment and hatred towards them by individuals in the in-group are usually created")" (Yandex. Translation, 10/17/2023) ^{[5, p. 325]}; "As a result, if nothing is done, they are expected to commit hostile acts against us in the future ("As a result, if nothing is done, it is expected that they will commit hostile acts against us in the future")" (Yandex. Translation, 10/17/2023) ^{[6, p. 101]}. Based on the descriptions presented, it should be emphasized that the realization of the enemy image by media means is aimed at initiating a feeling of hostility in the recipient (acting as a viewer, listener or reader), which is caused by awareness of the danger from the analyzed object.

In the context of the current aggravation of world-class political and economic situations, increased confrontation in the media environment can be observed, with the Internet gaining increasing popularity, including numerous blogs and social networks. The availability of shared access to these resources allows politicians in many countries to increasingly use them as the main space for information influence on the public.

The factors discussed above that enhance the influence of media constitute the relevance of our research. It should be noted that by the time the media content is selected and applied, the recipient has formed a certain picture of the world, which includes a set of ideas about the existing reality, namely: who is right and guilty, deserving positive and negative assessment, and, therefore, who should be believed and who should not. These prerequisites are often influenced by such factors as: worldview features, way of thinking, living conditions, cultural and value orientations of a person.

Thus, when implementing the "enemy" phenomenon in media discourse, it is necessary to take into account the recipients' initial ideas about the informed object. We are talking about ways to model the following basic components of the phenomenon being presented in the minds of an audience with a characteristic picture of the world: "the presence of obvious opposition: "friends and strangers", "danger from strangers" and "the need to take decisive action" ^{[7, p. 49]}. In this regard, it is important to emphasize such pragmatic functions of the object described by media tools as: "the formation of a certain vision of the world", as well as "the control and regulation of public consciousness" ^[8].

The analysis of the subject of the study in the comparative aspect of different linguistic cultures (in particular, Russian and British) involves the definition of characteristic forms of interpretation of the image of the enemy by representatives of the cultures under consideration. This allows us to classify the phenomenon under study as a culturally determined frame that exhibits the peculiarities of the worldview in the national linguistic environment that applies it. M. Minsky (1978), describing the concept of "frame" as the "structure" of meanings that make up a particular word in linguoculture, emphasizes its essential role in modeling and interpreting a certain communicative situation."A person, trying to learn a new situation for himself or to look at familiar things in a new way, chooses from his memory a certain data structure (image), which we call a frame, in such a way that by changing individual details in it, he makes it suitable for understanding a wider class of phenomena or processes. A frame is a data structure for representing a stereotypical situation" ^{[9, p. 7]}. According to N. N. Boldyrev (Boldyrev 2014), "Knowing the structure of the frame, we can predict in advance what may occur in a situation that is fixed in the frame. Information is updated when we hear or see the name of the corresponding concept. Each terminal node can indicate the conditions of its filling, which often appears as a so-called subframe, i.e. a nested frame" ^{[10, p. 19]}.

In other words, a frame represents a set of structured knowledge accumulated by representatives of linguistic culture about a certain object of reality, which is designated by a word. Moreover, each meaning of the frame structure of a word, called a "subframe", often correlates with one or another communicative situation mentioning the expressed object.

The purpose of our research is to describe and compare the frame structure that makes up the "enemy" phenomenon in Russian and British linguistic cultures based on media texts.

The novelty of the study lies in the fact that, for the first time, it presents a systematic description of the meanings of the phenomenon under consideration, based on a comparative analysis of the evaluative components used by the media of the two studied linguistic cultures in modeling the "enemy" frame.

Materials and research methods

The research materials included three types of sources: firstly, fragments of articles taken from a number of Russian (Zen, Gazeta, Izvestia, Kommersant, Life, Vedomosti) and British (Express, The Daily Mail, The Russian Russian Dictionary", "The Guardian", "The Happy Beavers", "The Sun") media sources published for the period 2022-2023; secondly, definitions of explanatory dictionaries, such as: The Modern Explanatory Dictionary of the Russian Language by T. F. Efremova (2006), the Large Phraseological Dictionary of the Russian Language by L. V. Antonova (2017), published in Russia, and the Cambridge English Dictionary (2020), published in the UK, which explained the meanings of some lexemes used to describe the image of the enemy in the linguistic cultures under consideration; and, thirdly, the electronic translator used on the Yandex website to translate texts quoted from English-language sources into Russian.

When studying the phenomenon under study in media contexts, the following methods were used: continuous sampling, conceptual analysis, classification and systematization, as well as the comparative method. The continuous sampling method involved selecting examples expressing the image under study from the media texts used. The conceptual analysis was aimed at identifying linguistic units describing the "enemy" phenomenon in Russian and British media discourses. The method of classification and systematization of the analyzed units allowed us to divide the phenomenon being determined into a number of subframes, which indicate two groups of factors determining the meaning of the word "enemy": basic (showing intent and act) and additional factors emphasizing a certain way of evaluating a hostile act. The latter include legal, moral, emotional, or ideological criteria. The comparative method allowed us to identify a number of common (evaluated by representatives of the two studied linguistic cultures) and specific (evaluated by representatives of one of the compared linguistic cultures) meanings of the described phenomenon.

General theoretical approaches to defining a media image

According to theoretical studies, the object considered in media discourse is often referred to by the terms "media image" ^{[11; 12, pp. 121-122; 13, p. 194; 15, p. 93]}, "media image" ^{[14, p. 181; 16, p. 35;18, p. 102]}, which have a variety of definitions described from different perspectives.

Thus, V. Ya. Belobragin and V. V. Belobragin (Belobragin, Belobragin 2004), who connect the term "media image" with ideas about the world in a particular society, note the following components at the heart of the concept under study: "stereotypical portrait", "idealized sample", showing the features of life both in a particular society and in a particular society. the whole world, including ideal values. When providing media information, these factors are focused on such goals as: awareness by the audience of ideal behaviors used in a number of areas: political or economic, in social relationships, as well as to achieve personal goals, for example, in a "career" or for "self–expression": "a media image is an emotionally colored stereotypical portrait, an idealized sample of elements of society, the objective world, and ideal structures intentionally formed by public figures in the minds of individuals, groups, and the public to achieve political, economic, and social results, knowledge, personal career, and self-expression" ^[11].

A number of other researchers (Zelyanskaya 2014, Kalinin 2015), analyzing the concept of "media image" in a political context, define this phenomenon according to the following criteria: the specifics of "activity", "views" ^{[12, p. 121]}, "point of view" ^{[13, p. 194]} of the image presented: "it is a cumulative an idea of all his political activities and views, which is formed in the media space as a reciprocal communicative reaction of the media environment to the activity of a particular political figure" ^{[12, pp. 121-122]}; "An image-based political text usually explains to the public the positions or points of view of the subject of politics. Through information, a positive judgment of representatives of the target audience about the subject of political activity is created, as well as motivation for politically motivated action is formed" ^{[13, p. 194]}.

V. A. Urakova (Urakova 2016), who evaluates a political figure from the position of a "leader", designates him by the term "media image", which is based on such descriptive features determined by the place of his functioning and the chronology of events as: the "personality" of the subject being realized, combined with the "personal attitudes" of representatives of the media environment manifested towards her and An "image" formed in the minds of the audience: "A media image is a reflection of a political leader through media channels, collectively created by journalists taking into account their personal attitudes, having similarities with the personality of a political leader and his constructed image, including a spatial environment and a temporal sequence of events. Thus, the formation process proceeds from three sides: the audience, the political personality and the media themselves" ^{[14, p. 181]}.

The above descriptions suggest that the image represented by media media can serve both as a subject influencing the audience and as an object interpreted by the audience through the media environment.

The following scientist L. V. Khochunskaya (2013), who studies the phenomenon of "media image" in artistic discourse, notes such components peculiar to it as: "the visible world subject to interpretation by the author", "the world of the media text ("a media text world")" and "the world perceived and interpreted by the addressee in accordance with his/her individual psychological, intellectual, age and other characteristics ("a world perceived and interpreted by the addressee in accordance with his/her individual psychological, intellectual, age and other characteristics")" (Yandex. Translation, 10/29/2023) ^{[15, p. 93]}. In other words, the author describes the analyzed phenomenon from three positions, such as: 1) the author's assessment of the presented object, 2) the information provided on this object, and 3) the recipient's assessment of the perceived object, which is determined by a number of personal and age factors.

When considering the general criteria based on the identified definitions of the phenomenon under study, it is necessary to present the model of T. G. Dobrosklonskaya (Dobrosklonskaya 2008), which provides mass information in three main stages: "media image (1) – media text – media image (2)": "selection of facts, their coverage (or interpretation), creation of stable images that can It should contain an evaluative component, the formation of stereotypes due to the saturation of the information space with images, the influence of stereotypes on the cultural and ideological context of the country. This process can be represented in the form of the formula: "media image (1) – media text – media image (2)" ^{[16, p. 35]}.

Thus, the concept of "media image" can be defined by the following fundamental characteristics:: 1) the initial features assumed by the described object before the presentation in the media, 2) a number of features identified by the object during the presentation in the media, and 3) the evaluative attitude formed by the audience towards the object after the presentation in the media.

It is worth noting that a number of other researchers (Beller 2007, Lantsevskaya 2015) consider the theme of the image from the point of view of a local culture belonging to a particular nation, region, etc., which determines the evaluative components expressed by its representatives to a given object. Thus, M. Beller (2007), who studies "national images ("characters")" with the help of fiction, points out such tasks of his research as: "to describe the origin, process and function of national prejudices and stereotypes, bring them to the surface, analyze them and provide people with rational information about them ("to describe the origin, process and function of national prejudices and stereotypes, to bring them to the surface, analyze them and make people rationally aware of them")" (Yandex. Translation, 11/01/2023) ^{[17, p. 11-12]}.

N. Y. Lantsevskaya (2015), considering the problem of the influence of the media image on the formation of a territorial brand, identifies the following components of the defined concept: "a media image should convey a recognizable visual image of the territory, slogan-positioning, cultural, natural, symbolic dominants of place and time" ^{[18, p. 102]}.

In other words, the formation of a media image in a local culture is influenced by the following characteristic features of its representatives: the specifics of the worldview (conditioned by prejudices, stereotypical ideas about the world), linguistic dialect, the natural environment and value representations (manifested, for example, in symbolic units).

Following M. Bellaire and N. Y. Lantsevskaya, we will use the key term "(media)image" when describing the subject of our research in the analyzed linguistic cultures.

Based on the results of the theoretical research, it is important to emphasize two groups of components that make up the concept of a "media image": 1) universal (defining features inherent in the represented object, regardless of the interpretation of others) and 2) evaluative (expressing the forms of interpretation of the analyzed object by both a representative of the media environment and its audience) components. At the same time, the latter often determine such factors as: the target setting and personal attitude of the informant to the reported object, on the one hand, and the characteristic features of the audience, on the other hand, including age, worldview, living conditions, cultural and value orientations.

A comparative description of an image in different linguistic cultures presupposes the identification of a number of evaluative forms expressed to the represented object in the cultures under consideration, which are mainly based on the national worldview of their representatives.

A frame-based approach to image study

It should be noted that many researchers (for example, Minsky 1979; Kulakov 1979; Fillmore, Baker 2001; Popova, Sternin 2003; Alefirenko 2011, etc.) who study a certain concept within a particular national linguistic culture use the key term "frame" as a basic toolkit that defines its constituent meanings, often referred to as the word "concepts", based on the experience of cognition of the described object by native speakers of the language in which the analyzed concept is used. In this regard, a number of the above-mentioned authors C. D. Fillmore and C. F. Baker (Fillmore, Baker2001) associate the concept of "frame" with a set of "semantic knowledge" forming a certain concept expressed by a word: "it is impossible to understand the meaning of a single word without having access to all the essential knowledge that related to this word <...> Thus, a word activates or prompts a frame of semantic knowledge related to a specific concept that it names (or highlights in the semantic terminology of the frame) (“one cannot understand the meaning of a single word without access to all the essential knowledge that relates to that word <…> Thus, a word activates, or evokes, a frame of semantic knowledge relating to the specific concept to which it refers (or highlights, in frame semantic terminology)")" (Yandex. Translated on 11/01/2023) ^[19]. According to the definition of Z. D. Popova and I. A. Sternin (Popova and Sternin 2003), "a frame is a multicomponent concept, three–dimensional representations, and a certain set of standard knowledge about a subject or phenomenon" ^{[20, p. 7]}. According to the latter definition, a frame can include as one concept, as well as a group of different concepts with overlapping semantic components in one word.

Other above-mentioned researchers (Minsky 1979, Kulakov 1979, Alefirenko 2011), analyzing the concept under consideration as a multilevel semantic structure, note the following elements that make up it: "subframes" ^{[9, p. 8; 21, p. 7]}, "slots", "terminals" ^{[9, p. 8; 22, p. 13]}. For example, M. Minsky and F. M. Kulakov define the term "subframe" as a separate concept that forms one of the "hierarchically" organized semantic components of another concept, designated as a "frame": "Groups of semantically similar frames are combined into a hierarchically ordered system, which is formed by subframes (part of a larger frame)" ^{[9, p. 8]}; "Subframes are hierarchically ordered elements forming frame systems" ^{[21, p. 7]}. In the hierarchically formed system of frame values, M. Minsky and N. F. Alefirenko note two additional groups of components, such as: "slots" ("top level") and "terminals" ("lower level"): "Nodes of the upper levels (slots) represent more general features that are always valid in relation to the proposed situation. They are always clearly defined, i.e. they are filled with their tasks and are conventional. For the most part, the nodes of the lower levels (terminals) are not filled with their tasks, but are provided with missing tasks (prepared knowledge/information about details) and receive specific content in the process of adapting the frame to a certain situation" ^{[9, p. 8]}; "Slots are obligatory components of the upper level of the structure, they contain conceptual information of an intense nature. Terminals, lower-level components, contain variable information related to a particular communicative and pragmatic situation" ^{[22, p. 13]}.

In other words, the concept of "frame", which describes the object of reality in a linguistic and cultural context, exhibits the following types of components at its core: permanent and variable. The first (defined as "slots") express the general evaluative features of the designated object in a certain linguistic environment; in turn, the components of the second named type (described as "terminals") represent a variety of linguistic units used in a particular communicative situation when referring to the object in question. We emphasize that when forming the frame structure of a word, terminals often determine slots. The selected types of components indicate the diverse meanings of a word, which can also combine the meanings of other words. This allows researchers to divide the analyzed frame into a number of subframes with common semantic components.

The factors presented above serve as basic criteria for identifying the figurative type we are studying in the compared linguistic cultures. Next, we will talk about the forms that verbalize the semantic components of the "enemy" frame structure in the media discourses of Russia and Great Britain.

The results of the study

The studied examples describing the image of the enemy in the Russian and British media spaces revealed various types of evaluative components modeling the phenomenon under study in the two analyzed linguistic cultures.

Let's consider a number of fragments borrowed from texts of Russian media sources.

"In 2014, they promised Eurorai if the country finally turned its back on Russia. Then, under sweet assurances about the prospects of European integration, Ukraine abandoned the free market with Russia, and Europe "abandoned" it, without opening its market or compensating for anything. But then Ukraine rushed furiously to sever ties with Russia, like a masochistic drug addict who had lost his head" (D. Rodionov. The Millennial Scam: How streams of lies make Ukrainians non-Russians // Life, 2022.07.07).

The main feature characterizing the enemy (represented by "Ukraine" and "Europe") in the above context emphasizes the tendency to separate from its allies, which is indicated by the following linguistic units: turned away, refused, rushed furiously to break ties (showing Ukraine's actions towards Russia) and abandoned (describing Europe's actions towards Ukraine). Another feature noted in the hostile behavior under consideration is the tempting offer expressed by Europe to Ukraine using the phrase sweet assurances. In other words, the described text highlights such a basic feature of the analyzed hostile images as: a tendency to betrayal.

In addition, the author uses a number of emotional and evaluative units that emphasize the negative attitude towards the objects in question, namely: she rushed furiously to break ties like a mad masochistic drug addict (in relation to Ukraine) and sweet (defining the actions of Europe). These evaluative forms analyze the implemented acts according to the following characteristic features: haste (describing the first in comparison with the insufficient manifestation of reason) and deception (defining the second specified act).

"In his speech, Sergey Lavrov stressed that it was NATO's policy of reckless expansion that trampled and devalued the principles of the OSCE. The minister noted that now the alliance is moving the line of defense further and further to the east. "Given the rhetoric coming from Washington, Brussels, Australia, Canada, and London, the South China Sea is now becoming one of those regions where NATO members are not averse to escalating tensions, as they once did in Ukraine," the Russian Foreign Minister said. They want to keep Russians out of Europe // Izvestia, 2022.12.01).

The presented context regards the behavior of the enemy (whose role is played by "NATO") with the intention to expand its dictatorial position (in particular, in the "South China Sea region"), expressed by the phrase reckless expansion. This intention is realized through an act of escalating tension, which involves interference in the internal affairs of the region. The assessment of the described form of behavior is enhanced by the following lexemes, which emphasize the violation of the law by the analyzed object: trampled on and devalued the principles of the OSCE (Organization for Security and CoE).

A number of other examples, highlighted from Russian media sources, describe the studied figurative type from ideological positions, for example:

"Could anyone have imagined then that Bandera's ideology, which was considered terrible and marginal at the time, would become dominant, that the Russian language would be banned, that history would be rewritten, the celebration of May 9 would be canceled and imprisoned for Soviet symbols? That all those who disagree will be offered to leave for Russia, and those who do not will be shelled with artillery and burned alive?" (M. Rodionov. These are our historical territories // Gazeta, 2023.01.19);

"They are protecting us from neo—Nazis and from terrorists, such as those who tortured and killed people in Donbas for eight years, those who killed Daria Dugina in Moscow, and those who today committed another terrorist act, another crime: they entered the border area and opened fire on civilians," Vladimir Putin said. <...> According to him, it is precisely such people who set themselves the task of depriving Russia of historical memory and traditions" (L. Lezhneva. They won't succeed, we'll put the squeeze on them. // Izvestia, 2023.03.23).

The texts highlighted above, which emphasize Ukraine's orientation against interaction with Russia, highlight two types of ideology that the government of the represented state adheres to: Bandera and neo-Nazi. The use of such ideas is mainly aimed at discrediting the national image of Russia, implemented through the following acts that eliminate its inherent values: the prohibition of the Russian language, the rewriting of history, the cancellation of the celebration of May 9 and the deprivation of Russia's historical memory and traditions. In addition, the described ideologies exhibit a number of other acts that emphasize: first, violent influence: to imprison or torture; secondly, the physical destruction of another: to kill (including the processes of shelling, burning); thirdly, invasion of foreign territory, expressed by the phrase penetrated into the border territory; and, fourthly, a terrorist act, regarded as a crime against the "civilian" population: opened fire on civilians.

The following text describes adherents of the ideologies discussed above as traitors to their ally state (Russia):

"Nothing can justify cooperation with the Nazis and fascists. Nothing. It's all a cover. In fact, they are traitors and Nazis," he [Putin] said. He also recalled that in many countries of the world, in particular in Ukraine and the Baltic states, the glorification of Nazism is taking place. "SS men march there every year, openly, under the cover of local law enforcement agencies. These are former SS soldiers," he said." (M. Rodionov. These are our historical territories // Gazeta, 2023.01.19).

Here, the image of the enemy is represented not only by governments, but also by another group of people ("former SS unit soldiers") of hostile states, such as "Ukraine" and "the Baltic States".

Here are a number of other examples describing the phenomenon of the "enemy" in Russian media.

"The West was playing 'marked cards' on people's lives," Russian President Vladimir Putin said during his address to the Federal Assembly on February 21. "All the time when Donbass was burning, blood was being shed, Russia sincerely, sincerely sought a peaceful solution, they played on people's lives, as they say in well—known circles, with marked cards," the president said. Moreover, according to the Russian leader, the West treats the lives of its own citizens in the same way, building its policy on lies and unscrupulousness. <This is also indicated by the fact that the United States and NATO have rejected the security guarantees offered by Russia, the president explained. Thus, Western governments have openly rejected the initiative to create a safe space in the world" (D. Filimonov. Putin: The West in Ukraine “played with marked cards" // Kommersant, 2023.02.21).

The phraseological unit of playing marked cards, defined as "committing a dishonest act" ^[23], indicates a violation of the moral norm underlying the analyzed form of behavior of the images represented ("USA" and "NATO") in the aforementioned context, which violated the condition of peaceful interaction: "they rejected the initiative to create a safe space in the world." This evaluation criterion, which emphasizes the tendency to deceive, is confirmed by the following lexeme lie, which means "intentional distortion of the truth" ^[24]. In addition, the word unscrupulousness describes the analyzed behavior as violating the rule of social interaction.: "non-observance of any principles or beliefs" ^[24].

"Russia's special operation in Ukraine began on February 24, 2022. In response, the United States, Canada, Great Britain, Japan and EU countries imposed large-scale sanctions against Russia, which affected many sectors of the economy, including energy, high-tech sector, aviation, banking, mining, automotive, etc.

The Russian authorities have repeatedly pointed out the illegitimacy of the sanctions and talked about the threat posed by the restrictions imposed on the global economy" (S.Shoigu. The West has deployed the military potential of almost all NATO countries against Russia // Vedomosti, 2023.04.28).

The text presented above characterizes the hostile images represented by a number of states ("USA", "Canada", "Great Britain", "Japan" and "EU countries"), according to such an act directed against the economy of the enemy state (in the role of the "Russian Federation") as the imposition of sanctions. The descriptive unit of sanction used in this context has the following definition: "a certain measure of influence, punishment in relation to the guilty party" ^[24]. In other words, the distinguished feature of hostile behavior indicates violent measures that restrict Russia's economic activity. At the same time, the assessment of the described form of behavior is complemented by the token illegitimacy, which implies causing potential damage: "a threat to the global economy." In this regard, the noted feature, defined as "non-compliance with the laws in force in this state" ^[24], describes the submitted act from a legal point of view.

"The situation remains tense in the Grayvoronsky district of the Belgorod region, part of which was captured yesterday by the Ukrainian occupiers <...> There are at least two explosions in Belgorod. Previously, the departments of the Ministry of Internal Affairs and the FSB were attacked by drones" (Yu. Kotenok. Belgorod region continues to be protected from the Ukrainian invaders // Zen, 05/20/2012).

The above-mentioned text regards the image of the enemy represented by the "Ukrainian occupiers" using the following lexemes expressing the act of invasion of foreign territory: captured and attacked.

The following examples represent linguistic units that implement the "enemy" phenomenon in the UK media space.

«The average gain of Russian forces in Popansa, south of Sievierodonetsk, has “averaged between 500m and 1 kilometre” a day in the last month, the official added, meaning capturing the remainder of the Donetsk region in the Donbas would take months more at least <…> The mountain community suffers daily from enemy shelling, the occupiers level the settlements with artillery and aircraft. The hottest in Toshkivka and Zolote, orcs (a slang term for Russian forces) deliberately roam the high-rises’ (“On average, over the past month, the increase in Russian troops in Popasne, in the south of Severodonetsk, ranges from 500 meters to 1 kilometer per day," the official added, implying that the capture of the rest of the Donetsk region will take at least several more months <...> The inhabitants of the mountains suffer daily from enemy shelling, the occupiers level settlements with artillery and aviation. The most violent in Toshkivka and Zolotoe, orcs (slang for Russian troops) intentionally roam high-rise buildings")" (Yandex. Translated on 11/12/2022) (D. Sabbagh. Russian forces now control more than two-thirds of Sievierodonetsk // The Guardian, 2022.06.01).

The above-mentioned text defines the image of the enemy represented by "Russian forces" according to two basic criteria: first, as an occupier carrying out the act of capturing "capture" and, secondly, as a murderer carrying out the act of shelling "shelling". The presented evaluative components of the object under consideration are complemented by the metaphorical unit orc "orc", which means "a fantastic creature similar to a very scary person prone to violence, which is described in the books of J.R.R. Tolkien ("an imaginary creature like a very ugly, violent human, that is described in books by J.R.R. Tolkien")" ^[25]. The phenomenon being compared highlights the violent nature of the analyzed image.

«Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky has long called on the international community to make the declaration, always referring to Russia as a "terrorist state" himself.

He said on Wednesday: “The terrorist state continues to fight against civilians and civilian objects”’ (“Ukrainian President Vladimir Zelensky has long called on the international community to make such a statement, always calling Russia a “terrorist state.” On Wednesday, he said: "The terrorist state continues to fight against the civilian population and civilian objects")" (Yandex. Translation, 11/28/2022) (A. S. Santolo. Putin officially isolated as EU votes to brand Russia 's state sponsor of terrorism // Express, 2022.11.24).

The text presented above highlights the terrorist trait of the hostile image (referring to "Russia"), which is inclined to fight against the "civilian" population.

«An anti-Putin activist also appeared to confirm reports of marauding armed gangs of drafted convicts in Russia <…> Now the lads have something to go torob citizens and banks (“Apparently, the anti-Putin activist also confirmed reports of looting by armed gangs called up from among the convicts in Russia. <...> Now the guys have somewhere to go to rob citizens and banks")" (Yandex. Translation, 11.01.2023) (J. Varga. Hammer blow to Putin as drafted convicts quit army to go on armed crime sprees // Express, 2022.10.17).

Here, hostile images are represented by "Putin" (the president of Russia) and "gangs of convicts" from Russia. Their form of behavior, defined by the word marauding "looting", is regarded from a legal point of view, which indicates the act of robbing.

It is also worth considering a number of other evaluative components of the "enemy" phenomenon found in British media sources.

«It is no secret that Russia wants to oppose the West. To them, the West is an evil entity that spreads propaganda and manipulates the world, while Russia and its allies are a force of good seeking to defend itself. Another ”secret” is Russia’s talent for conspiracy theories and Russia-centrism. That is, they believe that actions are being directed against Russia. There is some truth in this as evidenced by foreign companies’ reactions to the current war, but this mentality was not prompted by today's state of affairs (“It's no secret that Russia wants to stand up to the West. For them, the West is the essence of evil, which spreads propaganda and manipulates the world, while Russia and its allies are a force seeking good for self–defense. Another secret is Russia's talent for conspiracy theories and Russocentrism. That is, they believe that the actions are directed against Russia. There is some truth to this, as evidenced by the reactions of foreign companies to the current war. But this mindset was not conditioned by the current state of affairs")" (Yandex. Translation, 05/22/2023) (L. K. Breitig. Ukrainian war dictionary or why Russians are called orcs // The Happy Beavers, 2023.05.22).

This example describes the image of the type being represented (in the role of "Russia") according to the following criteria: the applied act of conspiracy "conspiracy" and the emotional assessment of centrism "centrism" shown by the informant. The first named value defines the expressed form of behavior according to such specific components as: "secrecy ("secretly planning")", "illegal": "activities that carry out secret planning of something bad or illegal in relation to other people ("the activity of secretly planning with other people to do something bad or illegal")" ^[25]. The second noted feature emphasizes the focus of the image in question on "self-defense".

«The package is called Russkiy Mir, or Russian World, which has become a byword for the propaganda Russia seeks to spread outside its borders, focusing on its imperial greatness and the outside enemies determined to destroy it, namely the west.

Ukrainian analysts say the move is part of Moscow’s attempts to cut off the occupied population from Ukraine and create an information “ghetto”. It is just under a year since millions of Ukrainians started living under Russian occupation (“The package is called "Russian World," which has become synonymous with the propaganda that Russia seeks to spread beyond its borders, focusing on its imperial greatness and the external enemies determined to destroy it, namely in the West. Ukrainian analysts say the move is part of Moscow's attempts to cut off the occupied population from Ukraine and create an information "ghetto." It has been a little less than a year since millions of Ukrainians began living under Russian occupation")" (Yandex. Translation, 02/20/2023) (I. Koshiw. Russia accused of trying to use TV to create Ukraine ‘digital ghetto’ // The Guardian, 2023.02.17).

The above-mentioned text notes the tendency to dictate in the analyzed figurative type represented by "Russia", which is indicated by the following intentions aimed at asserting its geopolitical influence and fighting opponents who hinder it: focusing on its imperial greatness and the outside enemies determined to destroy it "focusing on its imperial greatness and external enemies who have decided to destroy her." These intentions are implemented by such acts as: spreading propaganda outside its borders, "spreading propaganda beyond its borders," suggesting an expansion of information influence, and creating an information "ghetto," "creating an information "ghetto." The second act is aimed at establishing information isolation for the occupied population of Ukraine by the Russian government (designated by the lexeme "Moscow"). Here, the hostility of the described form of behavior is emphasized by the additionally noted act of "occupation".

«Haunting video shows a town devastated by the Russian offensive where Ukrainians resist in desperate house-to-house battle.

The mercenaries have been thrown into mass attacks and have suffered enormous casualties in the “meat grinder” battlefield, a year after the Russian invasion. Meanwhile, the outnumbered Ukrainians are being rounded up in the town, much of which now resumes an apocalyptic wasteland’ (“An exciting video shows a city devastated by the Russian offensive, where Ukrainians are fighting back in a desperate battle to their homes. The mercenaries were subjected to massive attacks and suffered huge losses on the battlefield of the "meat grinder" a year after the Russian invasion. Meanwhile, in the city, most of which now resembles an apocalyptic wasteland, outnumbered Ukrainians are being beaten")" (Yandex. Translation, 02/28/2023) (T. Tahir. Horror of war // The Sun, 2023.02.26).

The presented text describes the figurative type we are investigating according to the implemented act "offensive", which is complemented by a number of other acts, such as: physical destruction (expressed by the lexeme devastated "devastated" of the target object, invasion (represented in the form of attack "attack a" and emphasizing violent impact (denoted by the word poundingthey beat" on another.

«The Russian despot, 70, is also seething over recent Ukrainian drone strikes that have targeted areas in southern and western Russia, forcing authorities to close the airspace over St Petersburg.

Putin, who blamed his defense and security chiefs for failing to protect him, was left so furious over the drone strikes and the leaks about his life with Kabayeva that a doctor had to be called, it has been claimed (“The Russian despot of seventy years is also indignant about the recent strikes by Ukrainian drones that were targeted in southern and western Russia, forcing the authorities to close the airspace over St. Petersburg. Putin, who accused his defense and security chiefs of failing to protect him, was so enraged by the drone strikes and the leak of information about his life with Kabayeva that he had to call a doctor, it is alleged")" (Yandex. Translated on 03/05/2023) (W. Stewart. Putin ‘is more furious than ever’ over leaks claiming he lives in luxury mansion with his gymnast lover and recent Ukrainian drone strikes, claim insiders // The Daily Mail, 2023.03.02).

This text notes the following features of the described image ("Putin"): despot "despot", seething "indignant", furious "angry". The first named trait highlights the propensity for violence in the object in question, which is determined by such characteristic components as: "influential ('powerful')," "treated cruelly": "a very influential person, especially one who treats people cruelly ("a very powerful person, especially someone who treats people cruelly")" (Yandex. Translated on 03/05/2023) ^[25]. The second and third descriptive features exhibit an increased hostile state.

Discussion

The selected linguistic units allowed us to divide the "enemy" frame structure, observed in the media space of the linguistic cultures under consideration, into a number of subframes that define the phenomenon under study by two fundamental factors, such as: basic (manifesting intention and act) and additional. The latter emphasize a certain way of evaluating the described acts, including legal, moral, emotional or ideological criteria.

The discovered subframes contain characteristic slot components defined by their own terminals, which express the studied language units. The detailed "enemy" frame structures described in the Russian and British media discourses are presented in Table 1.

Table 1. Frame structures that make up the "enemy" phenomenon in Russian and British media discourse

According to the data obtained, the intention of the enemy, represented by both Russian and British media, is based on a tendency to dictate, focused on the assertion of geopolitical control. For example, one of the Russian texts used describes this feature (defining NATO) with the phrase reckless expansion, which, in particular, involves an act of interference in the internal affairs of another: escalating tension. One of the studied British texts notes the following units describing the dictatorial position of the enemy (considered in the role of Russia): focused on his imperial greatness and the external enemies determined to destroy him. These intentions, which are aimed at expanding information influence and combating opponents who hinder this, implement such acts as spreading propaganda beyond their borders and creating an information ghetto.

Observations show that the Russian media discourse notes additional intentions of the enemy (represented by Ukraine) aimed at discrediting a hostile state (Russia): depriving historical memory and traditions. Such intentions are being realized through the following acts aimed at prohibiting the dissemination of values peculiar to the enemy: prohibiting the Russian language, rewriting history, canceling the celebration of May 9.

A number of other hostile acts found in the two analyzed linguistic cultures exhibit the following meanings: first, the physical destruction of another: killing (including the processes of shelling, observed in Russian and British media discourses, burning, noted in the Russian text), devastating (highlighted by a British media source); secondly, invasion of foreign territory: an occupier (described by the phrase infiltrating the border territory in the Russian text or by seizing and attacking in the media texts of both linguistic cultures) and, thirdly, a terrorist act, expressed as an attack on the "civilian" population using units such as: terrorists who opened fire on civilians in the Russian and a terrorist state fighting against the civilian population and civilian objects in British media sources.

The subjects of the above-mentioned forms of behavior in the Russian media discourse are the following images: firstly, the government of Ukraine, which adheres to hostile ideologies (Bandera and neo-Nazi), which carries out acts of physical destruction of ideological opponents, including Russians, as well as a terrorist act on the territory of Russia, and secondly, Ukrainian troops invading Russian territory.

At the same time, British media outlets emphasize either the hostile state as a whole, or its troops as subjects of the described acts: a terrorist state (in relation to Russia), "Russian troops" carrying out acts of seizure, attack, shelling, and devastation among the population of Ukraine.

It is also necessary to highlight the following acts observed in the studied linguistic cultures that emphasize violent influence on another, for example: using physical force (tormenting, found in the Russian text, or beating, mentioned in the British text). A number of other acts of the considered significance are the following: incarcerating (in prison), suggesting "depriving another of personal freedom" ^[24], or imposing sanctions, restricting the activities of another (in the Russian media discourse) and robbing (in the British source). The latter involves the "forcible" deprivation of another's property: "to steal something from someone or somewhere, often using force ("to steal something from someone or somewhere, often using violence")" (Yandex. Translation, 03/06/2023) ^[25].

In addition, one of the Russian texts studied notes a number of acts that show betrayal towards another, which is expressed by the following lexemes that emphasize the violation of allied relations: turned away, refused, severed ties (describing Ukraine's actions towards Russia) and abandoned (showing Europe's actions towards Ukraine).

The legal criterion that evaluates a hostile act in the linguistic cultures under consideration highlights the tendency to violate the law, which is indicated by the following descriptive units: trampling on, devaluing OSCE principles; committing a crime; illegitimacy in Russian and marauding, carrying out a conspiracy in British media sources. The phrase trampled, devalued OSCE principles defines one of the previously mentioned acts as "escalating tension" carried out by NATO in relation to the South China Sea region, which violates the conditions of peaceful cooperation. Other aforementioned lexemes of crime and illegitimacy describe such acts as: "terrorist act" implemented by the government of Ukraine, and "sanction" applied by a number of states in relation to Russia. In turn, the linguistic units looting, conspiracy, noted by the British media discourse, determine the following acts we have studied: "robbery" carried out by Russian troops in the occupied territory of Ukraine, and Russia's foreign policy in general: "talent for conspiracy theory."

In addition to the legal criterion, one of the Russian examples used regards the hostile behavior of the represented images (NATO and the United States) from a moral point of view, which is expressed by such linguistic units as: playing with marked cards on people's lives, lying (showing deception), unscrupulousness (not observing the rule of social interaction).

The emotional criterion that evaluates a hostile act in both Russian and British media discourse mainly expresses the informant's personal assessment of the mentioned object. Thus, the phrase frantically breaking ties like a mad drug addict-masochist, noted by the Russian text, characterizes the analyzed form of behavior (manifested by Ukraine towards Russia). as hasty (not considering the possible consequences). The expressive units used, such as: a masochistic drug addict who has rushed in, with frenzy, including the object being compared, described by a tendency to lose his head, regard the act being realized according to the mental state of the subject, which shows a lack of reason. Another highlighted phrase, sweet assurances (describing Europe's behavior towards Ukraine), indicates a manifestation of deception-oriented temptation at the heart of the expressed act. Descriptive units showing emotional assessment in the studied media texts of Great Britain define the image of the enemy according to the following components: tendencies towards centrism (indicating a mental state focused on self-defense), indignant, angry (reinforcing a hostile emotional state), orc, despot (emphasizing the propensity to violence in the analyzed figurative type). These evaluative features describe objects such as: the state (Russia), the president (Putin), and Russian troops.

The ideological criterion observed in a number of Russian texts defines the phenomenon of the "enemy" from the point of view of nationalism, which is based on the following concepts: Bandera or neo-Nazism. The described components characterize the policy of the represented states (such as Ukraine and the Baltic states), aimed at independent existence from their ally (Russia). At the same time, adherents of the ideologies in question are regarded as traitors.

Table 2 provides a comparative analysis of the slot components that make up the "enemy" frame structure in Russian and British media discourse.

Table 2. Slot components of the "enemy" frame structure in Russian and British media discourse

Conclusions

A comparative analysis of the studied results showed a number of common and specific components describing the image of the enemy in the media spaces of Russia and Great Britain. The first are the following slot components that define the phenomenon under study in both linguistic cultures: "dictator", "occupier", "terrorist", "destroyer". In addition, the "enemy" frame structure of the two linguistic cultures under consideration includes other acts emphasizing violent influence on the other, such as: using physical force (noted by both Russian and British media), depriving the other of his personal freedom or restricting the activities of the other (highlighted in Russian media discourse) and forcibly depriving the other of his ownership (found in the British text).

From a legal point of view, both Russian and British media view the image of the enemy as violating the law with harmful consequences, for example: an attack on the civilian population (during the implementation of a "terrorist act" noted by representatives of both linguistic cultures); violation of peaceful interaction (during the implementation of an act "escalating tension"), damage to the global economy (as a result of the application of the "sanction" act) (highlighted by Russian media); robbery of the civilian population (described by the lexeme "looting"), causing harm or committing an illegal act against another (carried out by the "conspiracy" act) (noted in the British media discourse).

In addition, one of the investigated Russian sources shows a moral criterion that evaluates a hostile image according to such slot components as: showing deception, not observing the rule of social interaction.

It is also worth emphasizing that one of the previously mentioned components of "dictator" is defined by different acts described by representatives of the two analyzed linguistic cultures, namely, involving interference in the internal affairs of another (found in the Russian media text) and expanding information influence while establishing information isolation for the other (presented by the British media environment).

When considering other specific components of the "enemy" phenomenon identified in each of the studied linguistic cultures, it is necessary to note such evaluative forms expressed by the British media environment in relation to the described figurative type as: focused on self-defense, showing a hostile emotional state, prone to violence. Russian media outlets note the following additional features of the phenomenon under study: discrediting another (depriving him of his inherent values); adhering to a hostile ideology; showing betrayal, lack of reason, temptation.

Thus, representatives of the British linguistic culture regard the image of the enemy according to such basic features as: prone to dictatorship, struggle and causing damage to another. At the same time, Russians express a greater number of assessments of the image under study, including the following: prone to deception, violating allied, as well as peaceful relations. The first named trait is determined by such components as: dishonest act, distortion of the truth, temptation. The second and third evaluative forms exhibit the following components: betrayal, discrediting another, adhering to a hostile ideology, violating the rules of social interaction or conditions of peaceful relationship.

The results of the study make it possible to emphasize the following basic values observed by representatives of the Russian linguistic culture in their relationships with others: honesty and cooperative interaction. At the same time, responsibility for violating such conditions is often assigned to a specific entity represented by the state, government, organization, etc. In turn, in the process of modeling a hostile image, representatives of the British linguistic culture more often point to such components characteristic of it as: a state of hostility, a tendency to violence and a detrimental consequence caused by the analyzed object.

It should be noted that the main object of the described figurative type of British media is a certain state, including its president, government and troops. In turn, the Russian media sources we used define the image of the enemy in a broader range, including an international organization (such as NATO or the European Union), a region (such as Europe), an ideologically hostile group of people, which may include a certain organization (for example, SS unit soldiers) or the government of a hostile state. The types of hostile image observed in the compared linguistic cultures exhibit such factors that form the national image of the enemy in the minds of their representatives as: ideological features, as well as forms of relationships between the described linguistic cultures with others.