European identity of the Scottish Nation: historical prerequisites for the formation and the modern stage

Ruchina Valeriia Mikhailovna independent researcher 23 Gagarin Ave., Nizhny Novgorod, 603022, Russia, Nizhny Novgorod Region rvm1808@yandex.ru

Introduction

The formation of Scottish identity is a long historical process that has come a long way from the beginning of the Norman conquests to the modern stage. This evolving identity, shaped by both internal aspirations for independence and external European influences, continues to play a key role in Scotland's political trajectory. The Scottish identity is based on the desire for independence and the opportunity to gain its own political weight, but at the same time, the desire for European integration. The European identity of the Scots also includes the close interaction of the region with Europe in the historical process. It can be said that European identity is a community of cultures, traditions (both political and social), and similarity in worldview ^{[1, p. 215]}. All these aspects are also shaped by the historical process. Since Scotland has been directly involved in European history through the lens of politics, religion and culture during its development, it is also worth paying attention to the historical context of Scotland's relations with Europe.

Historical background of the formation of the European identity of the Scottish nation.

The survey of the exact identification of Scottish identity, as well as its European component, is extremely complex and layered. The answers to this question should be sought as early as 1066, that is, from the beginning of the period of the Norman conquests in England. Unlike England, there was no direct invasion of Scotland. At the same time, a significant migration flow of the Norman aristocracy began, which, in the process of gradual assimilation, introduced not only the French language into Scottish cultural life, but also numerous elements of French culture and palace etiquette. For example, in the context of linguistics, new words such as court, courtier, prince, servant have entered the everyday life of the Scottish court ^[2]. Moreover, Scottish rulers such as Malcolm III Canmore greatly encouraged the migration of the Norman nobility, allocating them significant land plots and willingly accepting them at court. Thus, it was the "peaceful penetration" of the Normans into the territory of Scotland that significantly affected the development of socio-cultural relations and the social order in the Scottish state ^{[3, p. 20]}.

However, the most serious contribution to the Europeanization of the Scots was made by the so-called "Long-standing Alliance" with France ^{[4, p. 122]}. The military-political rapprochement between the two countries was caused by an increase in British military activity on the Anglo-Scottish border. In 1072, King William the Conqueror invaded Southern Scotland, forcing Scottish King Malcolm III Canmore to recognize his suzerainty. Later, after Malcolm III's attempt to regain the disputed territories in Northumbria, the British again invaded Scotland, and in 1092 captured a part of Cumbria that belonged to Scotland. The coming of the Plantagenet dynasty to the throne in England led to an even greater aggravation of relations between the parties in connection with the expansion of English feudal expansion in the British Isles. And although Scotland managed to avoid full-scale military clashes with the British, the situation required the search for allies in the international arena. This was France, which needed support to fight the British. When studying the European identity of the Scottish nation, it is important to understand that its origins lie in the desire to emphasize its individuality in comparison with the British, which was greatly facilitated by strong ties with continental Europe.

The apogee of the aggravation of relations between the countries is considered to be the reign of King Edward I, who, putting pressure on the Scottish nobility, achieved the role of arbitrator in the election of a new Scottish king and placed the pro-English John Balion on the throne, from whom the king demanded to recognize the vassalage of Scotland from England. However, the Scottish nobility did not support this decision, and in 1295 concluded a military alliance with France, better known as the "Long-Standing Alliance." A year after the conclusion of this agreement, King Edward I invaded Scotland, conquered it, thereby initiating the guerrilla movement of William Wallace, which is better known as the first Scottish War of Independence. After the death of Wallace, who managed to recapture most of Scotland's territories from the British, the movement was led by Robert the Bruce, who later became the new king of Scotland.

Throughout the entire military conflict, Scotland enjoyed the support of France, both economically and militarily. These events significantly strengthened the relationship between the two countries, which was now based not only on mutual benefit, but also on trust, as well as on the growing sense of belonging of the Scottish nation to the "European" ^{[5, p. 112-116]}. This also led to a revision of the "Long-standing Alliance" by Robert the Bruce, which from 1326 became not only military, but also political. As a result, the Scots received rights similar to those of illegitimate French citizens, including the right to serve in the French army, the state apparatus and the church, while receiving a salary equal to that of full-fledged citizens of the country. The events of the era of the Scottish Wars of independence should be considered as one of the turning points in the formation of the European identity of the Scots, stimulated by the desire to defend their own independence at all costs and emphasize that the Scots are not like the British. This fact is also reflected in Scottish literature. The 15th-century poet Blind Harry in his poem "Wallace" positions himself as a patriot of Scotland, openly disdaining the British: he characterizes them as old enemies and deceitful people, descendants of the Saxons who did nothing good for Scotland ^{[6, pp. 227-239]}.

For their part, the Scots also played an important role in the “Long-standing Alliance”, making a great contribution during the Hundred Years' War ^{[7, p. 112]}. Moreover, after the defeat of the British troops, King Charles VII gathered a group of Scottish soldiers who became his personal bodyguards. This tradition was preserved at the French Court for many more years ^{[8, p. 74]}.

We should also not forget about the cultural influence of France on Scotland. The history of cultural ties between prominent Scottish and French families, combined with a distrust of all things English, has had a serious impact on Scotland. Scottish families usually sent their sons to be educated in France rather than to universities in England. Those men who were destined for life in the church before and after the Reformation were educated in France ^{[9, p. 185]}. After returning home to Scotland after their studies, they carried with them the lifestyle they had led while studying in France. Spiritual leaders who also received training in France played a special role in this process. In a rural society spread over most of Scotland, the priest was a community leader, setting standards for village life and spreading his own vision acquired on the continent ^[10]. In addition, Scottish scientists and artists often received their education in France. For example, the author of the book "The History of Scotland since Ancient Times", Hector Boes received his education at the Paris College of Montecute, and the Scottish writer Adam Blackwood studied at the University of Toulouse. The French influence was reflected in the architecture of the country: the entire period from the beginning of the 16th century to the middle of the 18th century in Scotland was characterized by the heyday of the French Renaissance in the country, which was reflected, for example, in the rebuilding of palaces such as Linlithgow. Since the middle of the 16th century, there has also been an overlap of Scottish identity with European architectural classics. This architectural trend became known as the Scottish baronial style ^[11].

Thus, it can be noted that the formation of the European identity among the Scots is a long historical process, primarily due to the ever—growing and diverse influence from France. At the same time, it is necessary to understand that in the case of the Scots, the European identity has rather become part of the Scottish (Scottishness). It was formed through the gradual mixing of political, military, architectural, linguistic and many other aspects of the culture of the two states. The presence of a European identity among the Scots is still felt today.

The impact of devolution on the strengthening of European identity.

The history of the Scottish people as a full-fledged part of Great Britain begins with the conclusion of the parliamentary union of 1707. In many ways, this step has become a necessary measure for the Scots, who are experiencing serious economic difficulties, as well as significantly lagging behind their neighbor in terms of technological development. At the same time, for many Scots, this decision is still associated with shame ^[12]. After the document came into force, most of the Scottish legislatures, including the Parliament, were moved to London, which caused considerable discontent among the Scottish population and, naturally, led to an increase in national consciousness. By the first half of the 18th century, the opinion about the loss of its own history in the face of traditional institutions of power was deeply rooted in the region ^[13]. Since then, Scotland has not given up trying to achieve the return of at least part of its own autonomy through the devolution of parliament. One of the British researchers, Vernon Bogdanor, counted as many as ten attempts by the Scots to achieve devolution: in 1886, 1893, 1912, 1920, 1973, 1982, 1976, 1978, 1979, and 1997 ^[14]. The most interesting, and not accidental, is the fact that the Scots succeeded during the period of the most intense political interaction between the UK and the EU, as well as regionalization in the union itself. For example, Scottish Gaelic and Anglo-Scottish were officially recognized by the European Charter of Regional Languages and Linguistic Minorities in 1992. The Charter was ratified by the British Government in 2001 ^[15].

After almost a hundred years of attempts to hold a referendum on secession or demands for greater autonomy, acts of devolution were passed in 1999, implying the creation of parliaments in Scotland and Wales. The degree of autonomy was high, but Westminster still reserved the right to address key economic and security issues in the region. Already in 2012, the new Scotland Act was ratified, in which the Scottish Parliament received the maximum autonomy in matters of financial control of the region in the entire history of the country ^[16].

Devolution has opened up new opportunities for Scotland in terms of European integration, giving it the opportunity to participate directly in the regionalization of European territories. In 2001, 8 EU regions, including Scotland, signed the Flanders Declaration, which became another step towards strengthening regionalization in Europe and an important moment in the political identification of Scots as Europeans. Soon, Scotland also received its own quota of deputies in the European Parliament. Despite the fact that European policy was the prerogative of Westminster, and the regions had to lobby their interests through it, the Scottish Parliament had a wide range of powers, 80% of which were subject to decisions taken in the EU, which allowed the Scottish National Party to gain seats in the EU body. This meant that Scotland could now lobby its interests in the EU not only through London, but also independently, which also spoke to a change in Scotland's position both in the EU and in the minds of its residents, making the region closer to continental Europe.

Such a rapid growth of national consciousness, associated with the devolution of parliament and supported by EU support for regionalization within the organization itself, as well as the region's direct access to one of the EU government structures, led not only to the strengthening of the European identity of the Scots, but also to the revival and strengthening of ideas about their own independence. So, in 2012, an agreement was signed on holding a referendum on Scottish independence, and in 2014, an agitation campaign was launched. According to the results of the referendum, 55.3% of Scots voted to remain part of the United Kingdom. For many Scots, secession from the United Kingdom posed a serious threat to further relations between Scotland and the EU ^[17]. And although in their white paper on the referendum, the SNP paid special attention to the plan to preserve and strengthen relations with Europe, the Scots chose the safer column - "stay" ^[18].

Thus, the devolution of the Parliament in Scotland played an important role in shaping the European identity of the Scots not only as an established phenomenon originating from history, but also as a political superstructure. Devolution opened up for Scotland not only greater autonomy, but also wider access to European politics, which was used by the SNP as a catalyst for the development of anti-British sentiments, which resulted in the 2012 referendum. And although according to statistics, less than 5% of Scots identify themselves as ethnic Europeans ^[19], more than 45% of Scots rate themselves as "strong Europeans" in terms of socio-political affiliation ^[20].

The Brexit factor in the intensification of European identity in Scotland.

The process of Britain's withdrawal from the EU has become extremely painful for the state and has caused a split both in society and in the country's political elites in various directions. In particular, Brexit has significantly deepened the already existing inter-regional split on the European issue. Thus, the Scottish political elites raised the issue of the European identity of the Scots and Scotland's belonging to the European world. I must say that this policy has received a popular response, and in the period from 2016 to 2020, there has been a percentage increase in Scots who identify themselves as Europeans. For example, the percentage of Scots surveyed in the period from 2010 to 2014 varies from 2% to 5% in different cities of the region ^[21]. The situation changed in the period 2016-2018, when the British Election Study survey was asked to characterize the degree of their European/British identity, and it turned out that Scots are more likely to characterize themselves as Europeans (more European) ^[22]. Moreover, according to a 2018 survey, it turned out that more than half of the Scottish population feels a sense of belonging to a European identity. At the same time, the sense of belonging to the British identity in the same period, according to polls, is falling, while the national Scottish identity, on the contrary, is rapidly strengthening ^[23].

These facts once again emphasize the specific nature of European identity in the identity matrix of Scottish citizens. The source of its strengthening, as before, is not only the strengthening of relations with continental Europe, but also the opposition to the neighboring, ruling region. This was also reflected in the results of the Brexit referendum in Scotland: 62% of Scots voted to remain in the EU. The First Minister of Scotland, Nicola Sturgeon, had already stressed the unacceptability of Brexit in the absence of the approval of the Scottish people. However, the opinion of the Scots was ignored by Westminster. This is evidenced by the absence of any consultations between the parliaments of Scotland and Northern Ireland, which was also experiencing a leap in national identity similar to Scotland; negotiations with Westminster on the terms of the EU withdrawal agreement, and further on the new economic agreement, as well as the absence of at least indirect attempts by the British prime ministers to get in touch. with the Scottish people through public speaking.

It is also worth saying that Brexit has not only led to a significant increase in the European identity of the Scots, but also to a significant weakening of the British identity, which many have ceased to share. In addition, dissatisfaction with the results of the Brexit referendum continued to grow after it, and this was due to rather pragmatic factors: after leaving the EU, there was a significant deterioration in the economic situation, the standard of living of Scots was falling, and companies were incurring huge losses ^[24]. Extreme discontent was also caused by the inability of the conservative government to bring the negotiation process to an end, and with the threat of a hard Brexit or a no-deal Brexit, the majority of Scots, when choosing between remaining in the EU and in the United Kingdom, preferred Scotland's withdrawal from the United Kingdom and joining the EU ^[25].

The growth of national sentiments was also evident in parliamentary polls from 2011 and then from 2021, according to which 82.7% (4.4 million people) of respondents stated that they have a Scottish national identity. Among such regions as North Lanarkshire, Inverclyde, East Ayrshire, West Dunbartonshire, where the growth rate of national sentiment reached 90%, in Edinburgh the figure reached 70.5%, which is the lowest in the region, but still impressive. 62.4% of Scotland's population (3.3 million people) They stated that they were "only Scots," while 18.3% of the population said that their national identity consists "only of Scottish and British identity." 8.4% of the population said they had "only a British identity," which was more typical for people aged 50-54. Younger age groups were more likely to identify themselves as Scottish. This means, again, the tendency of the nation towards self-determination and the growth of nationalist sentiments in society. The Scots build their identity as opposed to the British one, based on national principles and a close connection with European integration. In 2022, the Scottish Parliament declared that national identity is not linked to ethnicity or country of birth. A foreign citizen residing in Scotland is free to specify the Scottish identity as his national identity. This is also due to increased cooperation with the EU ^[26].

It is worth noting that Brexit has become another catalyst for strengthening the national identity of the Scots, as well as the growth of their European identity. At the same time, he again emphasized the complexity of the nature of the “Europeanization” of the Scots in their identity matrix, since this aspect of it was once again consolidated not out of a desire to preserve belonging to the continent and its history, but rather in opposition to London's decisions taken without taking into account the opinion of the region.

Conclusion.

The Scottish identity matrix is an extremely complex and complex construct that includes European identity as an integral part of it. There is no reason to dispute the existence of the Scots belonging to European culture. It is based on the long history of the region's interaction with the continent, especially with France, adopting elements of European culture, architecture, everyday life and palace etiquette. At the same time, the European identity of the Scots has an unusual nature - its strengthening and gradual development correlates with the growth of anti-English sentiments in the region.

Based on the expert assessment method, as well as using population census data, materials from the Scottish Center for Social Research, and the works of K.E. Tarasova, L.A. Fadeeva, and J. Mackenzie, it is worth noting that this circumstance manifests itself at all stages of interaction between Scotland and England: from the time of the Wars of independence right up to the Brexit process. In this context, it is not at all surprising that a new round of strengthening European identity coincides with the process of devolution in the UK and increased interaction with the continent. A significant change from that moment was that the European identity of the Scots acquired not only an ethnic, but also a socio-political status, as it was used by the political elites of the region to further distance themselves from England and gain political benefits. The Brexit process has become just another catalyst for the process of strengthening the European identity of the Scots. It also led to a deep division within the country, which sooner or later will lead to a new referendum for Scottish independence. Despite the fact that Westminster rejected Edinburgh's request to hold a new referendum in the autumn of 2023, this process is already irreversible, and further postponement of the referendum will only lead to a deepening identification of the Scots as a European nation and a worsening of the inter-regional crisis.

The Scottish identity is closely linked to the European one, and it has absorbed its features over a long period of time. The Scots are striving to gain their political voice, their independence from the decisions of London, which does not take their interests into account, and therefore acting within the framework of the EU seems to be a reasonable option for the region. Thus, Scotland is both strengthening its political weight and its desire for separatism, and on the other hand, it is closely embedded in the process of European integration in its desire to realize itself as a European nation, which has its own socio-cultural and political characteristics, which nevertheless, over the course of history, have been built inextricably from European politics. Over the years, and even at the present stage, it is possible to trace a clear disidentification of the Scottish identity with the British identity.