Academic Boycott of Israel in 2023-2024: causes, manifestations and consequences

Shugurov Mark Vladimirovich ORCID: 0000-0003-3604-3961 Doctor of Philosophy Professor; Department of International Law; Saratov State Law Academy 410028, Russia, Saratov, Volskaya str., 1 shugurovs@mail.ru Other publications by this author     Kolodub Grigorii Vyacheslavovich PhD in Law Associate professor, Department of Civil Law, Saratov State Law Academy 410028, Russia, Saratov region, Saratov, Volskaya str., 1, room 521 kolodub-ssla@yandex.ru Other publications by this author

Shugurova Irina Viktorovna ORCID: 0000-0003-3414-2704 PhD in Law Associate Professor; Department of International Law; Saratov State Law Academy 410028, Russia, Saratov, Volskaya str., 1 ivshugurova@mail.ru Other publications by this author

The research was carried out at the expense of a grant from the Russian Science Foundation No. 23-28-01296, https://rscf.ru/project/23-28-01296/

Introduction

Israel's armed attack on the Gaza Strip, which was a response to the actions of the Palestinian Islamic Resistance Movement/Hamas, which were launched on October 7, 2023, caused serious consequences for Israeli society and significantly undermined the reputation of this State in the international arena. In the national political discourse of Israel, the surge of anti-Israel sentiment in the world is perceived as a concrete historical manifestation of isolation, representing the fate of the Jews, to which Zionism in turn became the answer. According to Israeli political observers, Israel is perceived in the world today as a despotic and reactionary state that has once again turned out to be lonely (Bronner E. Divided by Politics, Israel Unite to Defy Global Isolation (04/03/2024)(https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2024-04-03/divided-by-politics-israelis-unite-to-defy-global-isolation)).

It seems that these conclusions contain a significant proportion of hyperbolization of the events taking place. However, the intensity of criticism and rejection of Israel, which responded disproportionately to the actions of Hamas, is really high (However, the actions of Hamas are also criticized ^[1]). But at the same time, only nine countries (Chile, Jordan, Turkey, South Africa, etc.) recalled their ambassadors or severed diplomatic relations with Israel. Nevertheless, none of the multinational corporations left the country, and economic sanctions were not imposed. The United States continues to be a staunch ally of Israel, although it has demanded that it cease military operations. Despite the fact that the supply of weapons to Israel has continued, although some States have imposed an embargo on such supplies. Therefore, it is more correct to speak not about isolation, but about a significant complication of Israel's participation in international relations in a number of areas.

One of these areas is international cooperation with the participation of Israel in the field of science and education. In Israeli discourse, this sector is often referred to as an academy. Representatives of the Israeli Academy, as well as other representatives of the academy, who are quite intensively integrated into international relations, faced a whole range of problems. In addition, the war has increased previously existing tensions between Israel and the international academic community, which has led not only to criticism of Israeli scientists, but in some cases to the suspension and even rupture of institutional ties at the university level.

The events of the new round of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict have opened a new page in the history of academic boycotts and academic sanctions, once directed against Iran, Venezuela, Sudan, etc. The "tsunami" of restrictive measures in the form of suspension and even severance of institutional ties with Russia in the scientific, technological and educational spheres, undertaken at the initiative of the states of the collective West, has become a notable event in 2022, which in turn reflects the crisis of the traditional paradigm of scientific diplomacy. In turn, the academic boycott of Israel in 2023-2024. this crisis has intensified.

It should be noted beforehand that, as such, academic boycotts began to be practiced in the second half of the twentieth century and were closely associated with boycotts in the field of culture and sports. According to M. Gordin, the twentieth century has become the century of academic boycotts ^[2]. Academic boycotts, being a permanent phenomenon on the world stage, affect individual countries. Therefore, every time there is a need for a systematic understanding of new events and situations related to new phases of complication of the participation of specific states in international scientific, technological and educational cooperation in view of boycotts directed against them.

In practice, a boycott includes both protest actions (demonstrations, strikes) and public condemnations of specific institutions or individuals, refusal to cooperate with them, and also involves providing assistance to victims. By its nature, a boycott as a set of actions and inactions is aimed at achieving isolation of certain collective or individual actors, as well as various sectors in specific States. Despite the full range of boycott actions, they are similar to sanctions in that they represent a volitional influence aimed at achieving a change in the behavior of the target subject.

Boycotts, being tactical actions in the political struggle, in the field of science and education, imply the suspension of international cooperation and lead to limited opportunities for researchers to participate in international projects and exchanges, as well as reduce the opportunity for students to participate in study abroad programs. In most cases, the boycott is embodied in measures aimed at breaking off international academic cooperation with individuals and institutions, as well as with countries that, in the opinion of the boycotters, have chosen the wrong way of behavior. More broadly, as L. Davidson and I. Judd note, unlike sanctions imposed by governments and sometimes destroying the lives of millions of ordinary people, boycotts are most often grassroots means of protest against the policies of governments of certain states ^{[3, p. 7]}.

Serious problematization of the participation of States, as well as their scientific and educational institutions in international cooperation in a boycott situation can develop according to different scenarios. In some cases, boycotts, being a protest movement, become part of the sanctions policy implemented by the government of a particular state, the governing bodies of integration associations of states (for example, the EU), as well as universities, their associations and research centers. In this case, various categories of cooperation agreements are suspended or ties are severed by canceling existing agreements. The initiative comes from one side in the person of these actors and is negatively perceived by the other side.

In some cases, the boycott movement and the official position may be in a state of dissonance. There are examples when there is no boycott, and economic sanctions have a devastating effect on the science of the target state, which not only cause negative consequences in the academic sphere, but are also complemented by quite official scientific sanctions ^[4]. Such situations are typical for Cuba, Iran, Venezuela, Sudan, and Serbia. In 2022, Russia found itself in such a situation. Institutional relations in the academic field were either suspended until further notice, or severed at the initiative of the collective West ^{[5, 6]}. The curtailment ("freezing") of cooperation occurred almost instantly, i.e. without and outside discussions in the broad academic environment, as well as in conditions of universities following the instructions of official authorities. In principle, in this approach of universities, the erosion of their autonomy and the rejection of the principle of academic freedom are quite noticeable. Discussions began to unfold after the fact ^{[7; 8]}. A historical example of a scenario in which an academic boycott was combined with official decisions to sever ties is the case of South Africa. Economic, sporting and academic sanctions, supplemented by boycotts, were part of the pressure that eventually brought an end to the apartheid regime in South Africa ^{[9; 10]}.

Taking into account the stated provisions, the situation characterized by the complication of Israel's participation in international academic cooperation and, as a result, the emergence of certain difficulties in the development of its scientific and technological sector has a specific character ^{[11, p. 713]}. Thus, the academic boycott initiated in the early 2000s and characterized by a surge in protest actions had no significant institutional consequences in the form of suspension or severance of official ties. Nevertheless, it became the subject of extensive discussions in the scientific and expert environment, in which issues with not only conceptual aspects, but also practical consequences were actualized ^[12-14].

During the discussions, based on the analysis of significant empirical material, questions were articulated about the essence and validity of academic boycotts, including in relation to Israel (Tilley V. On the Academic Boycott of Israel. The Electronic Intifada (27.05.2007) (https://electronicintifada.net/content/academic-boycott-israel/6953)). The discussion focused on the nature and forms of collective responsibility ^[15], the possibility of abuse of the concept of academic freedom in order to deny the validity of an academic boycott ^{[16; 17]}. Most studies argue that academic boycotts and sanctions are generally undesirable practices, since they not only hinder the development of research institutions, limit the exchange of ideas, undermine the quality and diversity of academic discourse, affecting the objectivity and completeness of scientific knowledge, but also interfere with the free exchange of international scientific information^[18-20]. It was recognized that boycotts entail a potential loss of knowledge and innovation ^[21], have a detrimental effect on academic freedom and the realization of the principle of universality of science ^[22-25], and also contradict democratic values ^{[26, p. 1075]}. According to experts, boycotts lead to limited political effects, which indicates their inefficiency ^{[27; 28]}. In addition, boycotts generate a "capricious", i.e. arbitrary form of treatment of the boycotted, which complicates the prospects for normalization of relations with them ^{[29; 30]}.

The focus of the discussions is on the Palestinian movement "Boycott, exclusion, sanctions". And while some researchers reveal its social purpose and validity ^[31-35], others oppose this movement, which, in their opinion, damages peace and social justice (Goldman E. Faculty forum: Why an academic boycott of Israel is wrong // Academe. 2016. Vol. 102. N 3(https://www.aaup.org/article/faculty-forum-why-academic-boycott-israel-wrong )); Hirsh D.Unjust, unhelpful: arguments against the academic boycott of Israel // Democratiya 13 (Summer 2008), p. 135-147 (https://research.gold.ac.uk/id/eprint/14681/1/Unjust , %20Unhelpful%20democratiya%2013%20DH.pdf)). M. Gerstenfeld, carrying out a comprehensive review Tracing its origins and development over time, he argued that the academic boycott, dictated by a combination of political, ideological and anti-Semitic motives, had a detrimental effect on academic freedom and the free exchange of ideas ^[36].

At the same time, O. Barghouti sees the validity of the protest in the fact that in some cases human rights objectively become a priority compared to academic freedom ^[37]. Some researchers believe that boycotts and sanctions may be the only, albeit difficult, solution. But at the same time, it would be a mistake to reject legitimate means of influencing the illegal attitude of the Israeli State towards the Palestinian people ^[38]. In addition, in order to justify a boycott, there must be compelling circumstances, for example, the desire to prevent some predictable catastrophe ^[39]. At the same time, as M. Abed believes, boycotts are immune to government intervention, and their impact on the oppressive situation is direct. He also believes that boycotts should be structured in such a way as to ensure the preservation of academic freedom of individuals in the event of isolation of institutions ^[40]. Thus, it is assumed that academic boycotts are not aimed at diminishing academic freedom. As S. Fish notes, the boycott is based on the broad concept of academic freedom, which protest movements are aimed at implementing (Fish S. Academic Freedom and the Boycott of Israeli Universities. Max Weber Lecture No. 2014/06. p. 1 https://cadmus.eui.eu/bitstream/handle/1814/33472/MWP_LS_2014_06.pdf ). In some studies, academic boycotts are considered not only as a tool for promoting social justice and human rights, but also as promoting academic freedom ^[41].

In fact, for a long time no measures have been taken against Israel that can be characterized as academic sanctions, which are formalized means of pressure on the academic sector. However, the whole urgency of the current moment, related to the events of 2023-2024, lies in modifying the scenario of an academic boycott against Israel. In modern conditions, the anti-Israeli academic boycott as a whole has not only become more widespread and intense, but is also accompanied by the emergence of institutional consequences. These include the "tsunami" of academic sanctions proper, which, unlike Russia, are not burdened by the consequences of economic sanctions. We should immediately note that they are less intense and voluminous than the sanctions regimes against Russian science and Russia's participation in international scientific cooperation. However, this is a new phenomenon that requires a comprehensive understanding.

As you can see, intense discussions regarding the current academic boycott of Israel have flared up with renewed vigor. Israeli experts analyzing the diverse aspects of the previous and current boycott are inclined to conclude that it is necessary to exclude the interference of a political factor in the academic sphere. This is very important in order for the latter to remain a space for the impartial dissemination of knowledge and critical thinking, free from external pressure and influence ^[42]. Foreign experts and researchers are turning to the analysis of the current situation. In particular, a sociological cross-section of the current student boycott protest against Israel has been undertaken ^{[43; 44]}; the characteristics of universities where protest movements take place ^[45] have been determined; the main directions of the current academic boycott of Israel have been analyzed ^[46]; on the basis of conducted sociological surveys, a picture of subjective assessments of current events expressed by Israeli researchers has been recreated, who have faced both open and hidden boycotts in their experience ^[47].

At the same time, it should be noted that the existing developments lack consistency and a conceptual level of understanding, including in the context of the implementation of the comparative approach.

In this regard, the purpose of the presented article is a systematic conceptualization of the modern academic boycott of Israel in 2023-2024 through the prism of the correlation of general and special features of this phenomenon.

Achieving this goal involves solving the following tasks:

- disclosure of the reasons for the academic boycott of Israel as a permanent phenomenon, determination of its features characteristic of the period 2002-2022, as well as determination of the degree of its validity;

- understanding the Palestinian-Israeli conflict of 2023-2024 as a factor in the transition of the anti-Israeli boycott in the academic sphere to a new stage, involving the introduction of unprecedented academic sanctions;

- the implementation of a consistent and detailed analysis of the specific features of the academic boycott of Israel by universities of various states of the collective West in the context of new trends in the anti-Israeli protest movement;

- understanding the relationship between the concepts of "academic boycott" and "academic sanctions";

- Systematization of measures taken by the Government and universities of Israel in the field of combating the boycott movement and the negative consequences of restrictive measures.

The achievement of the research goal and the solution of the tasks set were carried out on the basis of the following methodological framework. In unity with the case study method, the authors used a historical approach that allowed them to identify the phases of the anti-Israeli academic boycott. In the course of the research, institutional and event-based methods were applied, as well as discursive analysis. In addition, a certain amount of secondary statistical data was analyzed. The comparative method made it possible to identify common and specific points between the holistic phenomenon of the anti-Israeli academic boycott, which recently included academic sanctions as a means of pressure, and the sanctions regime in the field of science and education, which was introduced against the academic sector of Russia in 2022. The forecasting method made it possible to assess the possible consequences of the current anti-Israeli boycott on both the Israeli academic sector and world science in general.

The article examines the complication of Israel's academic relations with the United States and European countries, which are its main partners in the field under consideration. Of course, universities and research centers in Asia, Africa and Latin America are taking part in a large-scale boycott. However, an analysis of their positions on the prospects for building ties with Israel in the light of current events requires a special study, as in the case of difficulties in academic cooperation between the European Union and Israel.

1. Academic boycott of Israel as a permanent phenomenon

The large-scale academic boycott against Israel, which became a noticeable phenomenon on the world stage, especially in 2024, is a qualitatively new phase of the boycott that was previously addressed to this state. A brief reference to history will allow us to take a broader look at modern measures of influence aimed at the Israeli academic sector in general and Israeli science in particular, including the participation of this State in international scientific and educational cooperation, as well as to assess their validity and effectiveness.

The origins of the systematic academic boycott of Israel date back to the spring of 2002, when the Israeli offensive against Palestinians in the West Bank of the Jordan River took place, which was accompanied by a hostile impact on the Palestinian education system. The first attempt at an academic boycott of Israel was made by British professors S. Rose and H. Rose from the Open University in London, who in April 2002 issued an open letter calling for the suspension of payments of EU grants to Israeli scientists. Then an open letter was published in the British daily newspaper The Guardian, calling for a moratorium on all cultural and research ties with Israel at the European and national levels until the Israeli government is ready to comply with UN resolutions and begin peace negotiations with the Palestinians (Protest against call for European boycott of academic and cultural ties with Israel // The Guardian. Original Press Release (06.04.2002) (www.euroisrael.huji.ac.il/original.html)). The petition was initially signed by about 120 people, 90 of whom were from the UK. By April 11, 2002, several hundred signatures had been collected, including from Israeli scientists. This was followed by similar initiatives in France, Italy, Belgium and other countries.

The Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions (BDS) Movement became the vanguard of the protests (https://bdsmovement.net /)), coordinated by the Palestinian National Committee of BDS (BNC). The movement advocates boycotts, divestments and economic sanctions against Israel in order to put pressure on that country to comply with its obligations under international law. BDS, in an effort to put pressure on Israel, simultaneously opposes all forms of racism, including Islamophobia, anti-Semitism and discrimination. A key area of action is the academic boycott of Israeli universities (BDS Movement. Academic boycott (https://bdsmovement.net/academic-boycott)). As an argument in favor of such actions, the thesis is put forward that Israeli academic, as well as cultural institutions, are complicit in Israel's violation of Palestinian rights under international law. On American and European campuses, BDS is campaigning to end ties with Israeli universities.

One of the founders of the Palestinian National Committee of BDS (BNC) is the Palestinian Campaign for the Academic and Cultural Boycott of Israel (PACBI) ((The Palestinian Campaign for the Academic and Cultural Boycott of Israel (PACBI) (https://bdsmovement.net/academic-boycott#tab5 )). In order to maintain the momentum of the academic boycott, PACBI has developed guidelines describing appropriate action algorithms (PACBI Guidelines for the International Academic Boycott of Israel (07/09/2014) (https://bdsmovement.net/pacbi/academic-boycott-guidelines )). The recommendations are based on the internationally recognized definition of academic freedom contained in paragraphs 38-40 of the document of the UN Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (UN Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights. General comment No. 13 (twenty-first session, 1999) "The right to education" (https://docstore.ohchr.org /)). According to PACBI's recommendations, the boycott should apply to Israeli academic institutions, not individuals. The essence of the boycott is to cancel all forms of cooperation with Israeli academic institutions, including events, actions, agreements or projects implemented jointly with them. However, protests are allowed against individual scientists involved in violations of international law, including in the field of human rights. The boycott must continue until Israeli academic institutions recognize the rights of the Palestinian people and cease all forms of complicity in Israeli violations of international law.

Supported by thousands of scientists around the world and many academic associations, the campaign has achieved certain results, which consist in consolidating the protesters and agreeing on the semantic purpose of the boycott. This is the prerequisite that the current academic boycott and scientific sanctions against Israel in 2024 could acquire a truly unprecedented character (Universities Are Ending Complexity in Israeli Apartheid and Its Gaza Genocide in Numbers Never Seen Before (05/19/2024) (https://bdsmovement.net/news/universities-are-ending-complicity-israeli-apartheid-and-its-gaza-genocide-numbers-never-seen)).

Academic associations and initiative groups of scientists took an active part in the boycott movement until 2024. The list of associations that have taken appropriate steps includes: the American Anthropological Association, the Association for Middle Eastern Studies, the Association for Indigenous Studies of America, the Association of African Literature, etc. In April 2005, members of the Association of University Teachers (AUT) suspended all ties with the Universities of Haifa and Bar-Ilan. In December 2013, the Council of the Association for the Study of Indigenous Peoples of America and Indigenous Peoples in the United States unanimously voted in favor of an academic boycott of Israel. In 2015, the British Association of University Teachers (AUT) adopted resolutions calling for a boycott of two higher education institutions – the University of Haifa and Bar-Ilan University. In June 2019, the British Society for Middle Eastern Studies also spoke in favor of an academic boycott of Israel (UK Society for Middle Eastern Studies passes Israel academic boycott resolution (06/27/2019) (https://www.timesofisrael.com/uk-society-for-middle-eastern-studies-passes-israel-academic-boycott-resolution/)). In July 2023, the American Anthropological Association (AAA) voted to approve a resolution to boycott Israeli academic institutions.

As for the involvement of universities in the boycott movement, it was generally insignificant. The exception is the University of Johannesburg. After an appeal signed by 400 teachers from all South African universities, including 9 university leaders, the University Senate severed ties with Ben-Gurion University in 2011 due to its complicity in Israeli violations of Palestinian rights (UJ cuts ties with Israeli University (03/23/2011) (https://www.iol.co.za/news/south-africa/gauteng/uj-cuts-ties-with-israeli-university-1046158 )). Elite universities in the United States and Europe, as a rule, did not pursue a policy of boycotting Israeli academic institutions and did not impose academic sanctions, but limited themselves to activities that amounted to discussing the possibility of initiating a procedure for reviewing cooperation. Over time, the BDS movement began to gain wider support in many elite universities. Calls for severing ties with Israel began to come from student unions and individual faculties. At the national level, this kind of support was initiated by national committees, for example, the US Campaign for an Academic and Cultural Boycott of Israel (USACBI).

Over time, student organizations joined the boycott movement: the Federation of French-speaking Students of Belgium, the National Union of Students of Great Britain, the Council of Representatives of Students of Qatar University, graduate unions of New York and Massachusetts Universities. In 2018, the BDS movement was supported by the Canadian Federation of Students. New York University also saw the active participation of various student groups and faculty in the academic boycott movement. The student body of Columbia University voted in favor of a referendum in support of divesting investments from companies involved in Israeli activities in Palestine. However, the university administration did not take this measure. Along with this, at the University of California, some departments and teachers expressed support for the BDS movement, although the university as a whole did not adopt an official boycott policy (Lapin A. US Anthropological Association votes to boycott Israeli academy over ‘apartheid’ (07/25/2023) (https://www.timesofisrael.com/us-anthropological-association-votes-to-boycott-israeli-academia-over-apartheid/)) , (Maltz J. In first, California University announces complete academic boycott of Israel (05/15/2024) (https://www.haaretz.com/israel-news/2024-05-15/ty-article/.premium/in-first-california-university-announces-complete-academic-boycott-of-israel/0000018f-7d38-d604-af8f-7f39cc820000)). In other words, the official position of universities in the United States and other countries was based on the priority of academic freedom and dialogue over boycotts and sanctions.

These examples lead to the question of the impact of the academic boycott on the field of research and development in Israel, which occupies a number of leading positions in the world (WIPO. Global Innovation Index 2023: Innovation in the face of uncertaintyhttps://www.wipo.int/edocs/pubdocs/en/wipo-pub-2000-2023-en-main-report-global-innovation-index-2023-16th-edition.pdf)) , and his participation in international scientific and educational cooperation. Initially, it should be emphasized that Israel is one of the most advanced countries in the field of biotechnology, embryonic stem cell research, nanotechnology and computer science.Israel is at the forefront of these fields with its numerous research universities, high-tech incubators and nine Nobel laureates in chemistry and economics. For example, the Hebrew University in Jerusalem has received 11,000 patents; the Weizmann Institute informed that its scientists have invented amniocentesis (a cure for multiple sclerosis), as well as obtained a variety of chemical compounds for industrial and medical use. These achievements, according to experts, were largely made possible by Israel's participation in international cooperation (Newman M., Bronner E., Lorin J. Israeli Scientists Are Shunned by Universities Over the Gaza War (06/13/2024)(https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2024-06-13/israeli-scientists-are-shunned-by-universities-over-the-gaza-war)). Of particular importance is the free flow of knowledge production between Israel and Europe, as well as between Israel and the United States. As follows from the data provided in the special scientific literature ^{[46, p. 53-55]}, Israeli scientific institutions and companies have built strong ties with academic institutions around the world and especially with scientific institutions in Europe and the United States in the fields of technology, medicine and agriculture.

Given the high degree of internationalization of Israeli science and higher education, any boycott can have a negative impact on the development of the Israeli academic sector and fan-shaped lead to difficulties in economic development, since academic institutions play a key role in ensuring innovative economic development here. The consequences of the boycott carried out in the first two decades of the twentieth century include the emergence of isolation, albeit insignificant, of representatives of Israeli universities and research centers at various international academic forums, as well as the emergence of certain problems in the field of financing research and academic programs from foreign sources, which led to a slight decrease in the effectiveness of scientific research and academic mobility (What are US Colleges Financial ties to Israel? (04/24/2024) (https://www.dawn.com/news/1829354 )). Of course, until 2024, the academic boycott of Israel was quite moderate due to the fact that, as mentioned above, intensive cooperation between Israeli universities and leading universities in the world went on as usual and bore fruit.

However, against the background of BDS activism, the academic boycott against Israel, its validity and results have become the subject of widespread debate around the world. The position of the supporters of the boycott is quite simple: the need for an academic boycott is caused by the ongoing occupation of the Palestinian territories and the systemic nature of oppression, which is similar to apartheid ^[31-35]. Therefore, targeted pressure on Israel, including pressure on its academic sector, may lead, in their opinion, to significant changes in its policy. At the same time, supporters of the boycott argued that the latter was a response to violations of Palestinian academic freedom and aimed at putting pressure on Israel to change its policy towards the Palestinians.

The range of opinions of the opponents of the boycott is characterized by a variety of positions, which at one time were systematized by J. Cook J. Academic freedom? Not for Arabs in Israel (04.03.2008) (https://electronicintifada.net/content/academic-freedom-not-arabs-israel/7398)). In particular, critics claim that the BDS movement unfairly singles out Israel, ignoring human rights violations and conflicts in other countries, and violates academic freedom by restricting the free exchange of ideas and cooperation. In addition, boycotts can harm those scientists who often criticize Israeli policies and support peace initiatives. Indeed, an example of oppositional views is the appeal of a large group of scientists of Israeli origin, which expresses a desire to put pressure on Israeli academic institutions and organizations to renounce complicity in the oppression of Palestinians (Israeli Academics Sign Petition Calling for the Boycott of Israel (06/03/2021)(https://israel-academia-monitor.com/2021/06/03/israeli-academics-sign-petition-calling-for-the-boycott-of-israel/)). However, most of the signatories live in other countries, while the free expression of their position in Israel itself is quite difficult.

Opponents of the boycott also claim that it will lead to stigmatization and discrimination of Israeli scientists. In addition, most Israeli scientists regard the boycott as directed against them personally, and not against universities. That is why they face difficulties in publishing articles, participating in international conferences or securing cooperation, not because of their academic work, but because of their connection with the Israeli academy.

E. Goldman gives the following arguments against the boycott. First, he believes, the isolation of Israeli scientists deprives their foreign partners of access to the knowledge and experience of Israeli scientists, including those who are leaders in their fields and pioneers in some of the most sophisticated technologies in the world. Secondly, imposing restrictions on the free exchange of ideas is not an acceptable response to the humiliation suffered by Palestinian scientists. In this case, on the contrary, the obstruction of scientific communication causes difficulties in achieving peace in the region ^[48].

According to A. Leist, an academic boycott, if it does not have an impact on the government, will do more harm than good ^{[49, p. 224-227]}. What is meant here is that the boycott isolates and demoralizes the most progressive forces in Israeli universities. N. Chomsky, who believes that BDS has the right to conduct an academic boycott, nevertheless expresses doubt whether this boycott is the right tactic (Chomsky clarifies position on the cultural boycott of Israel (10/12/2017) (https://bdsmovement.net/news/chomsky-

clarifies-position-cultural-boycott-israel)), (Bleifuss J. Chomsky, Lears and Elia Debate Whether an Academic Boycott of Israel Can Work. Is the tactic the best way to pressure Israel? (23.05.2015) (https://inthesetimes.com/article/do-academic-boycotts-of-israel-work)).

Another counterargument is the claim that Israeli universities play no role in the oppression of Palestinians by Israel. However, this thesis is very vulnerable. It is necessary to understand that quite productive international academic cooperation with Israel of various universities of the world has become possible not only due to the policy of countering boycotts, but also the replication of ideological cliches. According to the latter, Israeli universities were presented in the West as exclusively free "oases" of science and education. However, some studies show that this is far from the case (Wind M. Israel's Universities Are a Key Part of Its Apartheid Regime (09/13/2022) (https://jacobin.com/2024/02/israel-universities-palestine-apartheid-academia )), (Sen S. Israeli academy is directly complicated in the crimes of the state (09/10/2024) https://www.aljazeera.com/opinions/2024/9/10/israeli-academia-is-directly-complicit-in-the-crimes-of-the-stateCohen S.L. Israel and Academic Freedom: a Closed Book (September 30, 2016). https://www.counterpunch.org/2016/09/30/israel-and-academic-freedom-a-closed-book/)). In principle, one of the prerequisites for the worldwide academic boycott movement against Israel was the actual role that Israeli universities play in the colonial oppression of the Palestinians against the background of cooperation with the Israeli army ^[31]. Israeli institutions of higher education, according to PACBI, played a key role in the planning, implementation and justification of the Israeli policy of occupation and apartheid, including the consolidation of military tactics and defense equipment. It is in order to put an end to this complicity in Israel's violations of international law that Palestinian civil society has called for an academic boycott of complicit Israeli academic institutions. For PACBI, the academic boycott is not just a means to an end, but rather a measure of strategic impact on the Israeli academy as one of the pillars of the repressive order.

The position of the Company is fully confirmed by the actual state of affairs.Thus, the development of scientific knowledge in Israel took place in extremely close connection with the military-industrial complex ^{[50; 51]}. The fact of the connection between the Israeli Academy and the Israeli army has found its coverage in expert and scientific literature ^{[52, p. 14-16]}. In addition, Israeli universities, which form a key part of the ideological infrastructure of the State of Israel, were directly involved in the colonization of Palestinian lands ^[53]. Israeli universities have developed and are implementing customized academic programs for training soldiers and security forces. The development of Israeli higher education was associated with the growth of the Israeli military industry. Rafael and Israeli Aerospace Industries, the two largest arms manufacturers in Israel, developed on the basis of the infrastructure laid down by the Weizmann Institute and the Technion. Against the background of these facts, the thesis of the opponents of the boycott that Israeli universities are associated with the Israel Defense Forces and the military-industrial complex no more than, say, Cambridge or Oxford universities with the military-industrial complex of Great Britain, does not stand up to any criticism.

For Israel, the threat was too great to be left to the discretion of the university administration.This has led, since 2003, to increased efforts by the Israeli government and pro-Israeli organizations to counter the BDS movement and promote the positive aspects of the Israeli Academy (Gerstenfeld M. The academic boycott against Israel and how to fight it (09/01/2003). (https://jcpa.org/article/the-academic-boycott-against-israel-and-how-to-fight-it-2/)). An anti-boycott committee was established under the chairmanship of B. Netanyahu.Since the Knesset passed the Law on Preventing Damage to the State of Israel through Boycott in 2011, BDS propaganda in Israel has been declared illegal (Knesset votes in favor of 'boycott bill' (07.11.2011) https://www.ynetnews.com/articles/0 ,7340,L-4093950,00.html)).

The range of measures taken by the Israeli Government and international Zionist organizations was diverse. The first group of measures is aimed at suppressing protest movements, including the deployment of campaigns aimed at suppressing, demonizing or even criminalizing the boycott movement wherever it gains momentum. The Israeli lobby in the United States has begun to make accusatory statements from university presidents, vice-chancellors and Nobel Prize laureates. The Jewish Council of Great Britain has announced the creation of a fund designed to fight the boycott through lawsuits that universities will face if they support any boycott. All this was complemented by opposition to the adoption of boycott resolutions, as well as counter-campaigns against the initiatives of BDS and PACBI (Cohen-Almagor R. Academic freedom and the anti-Israeli BDS movement (2023) (https://portal.research.lu.se/en/publications/academic-freedom-and-the-anti-israeli-bds-movement )), (Cohen R., Krispil O., Avraham E. Strategies to Combat the Academic Boycott of Israel For Israeli Scholars Going on Sabbatical, Attending Conferences Overseas or Studying Abroad (2016) https://compercenter.haifa.ac.il/images/Battling_Academic_Boycott-Comper_center_HU_ENG.pdf )), ^[54]. The key actors of the countercampany are the Hillel International student organization, which influences the state of minds on more than 500 campuses; the Hasbara Scholarship Foundation, which annually sends hundreds of students on 16-day trips to Israel to teach them how to become pro-Israel supporters on their campuses; the Amcha initiative, which characterizes the BDS movement as an outspoken manifestations of anti-Semitism. In 2023, the Israeli Anthropological Association opposed a second academic boycott referendum at the American Anthropological Association, saying it would be counterproductive to boycott Israeli universities, which, in fact, are at the forefront of the struggle to preserve democracy and equal rights.

The literature notes the use of three types of anti-boycott strategies: (1) the source strategy (presenting BDS supporters as anti-Semites, questioning their goals and exposing their desire to destroy Israel); (2) the communication strategy (proving that allegations against Israel are false; presenting facts that contradict these claims, and expanding a positive image Israel); and (3) a strategy for a specific target audience (presenting Israel to a Western audience as a democratic country and illustrating that Israel and the West have the same values) ^{[55, p. 198]}.

Among the representatives of the Israeli academic sector, there are individuals and groups who are opposed to government policy. Meetings, demonstrations, and debates took place on Israeli campuses, but they all remained within a small marginal zone, while most teachers and students had no idea about the "Campus is not Silent" initiative ^{[52, p. 14-15]}.

Since the Israeli state's backlash against activists and scientists who joined the movement was expressed in the persecution of dissenters, scientists considering joining the academic boycott of Israel were afraid of persecution that could negatively affect their careers and positions in the academic community (Pappe I. The meaning and objectives of the academic boycott (12.02.2018) (https://www.monabaker.org/2016/02/12/ilan-pappe-the-meaning-and-objectives-of-the-academic-boycott/)).

The second group of measures includes propaganda emphasizing Israel's contribution to world research and technology ^[48] and pointing out that the boycott not only causes damage to the boycotted, but also to the boycotting side (Jacobson H. ‘Those who boycott Israeli universities are doing intellectual violence – to themselves / The Independent (07/14/2007) (http://comment.independent.co.uk / columnists_a_l/howard_jacobson/article2768274.ece)). Opponents of the academic boycott believe that Israeli universities make a significant contribution to global scientific and technological achievements. Against the background of these arguments, academic boycotts undermine the universal character of scientific research and hinder progress in areas that can benefit humanity as a whole. It is also argued that Israeli universities often participate in joint research with Palestinian and international institutions aimed at promoting dialogue and mutual understanding.

In the face of some, albeit minor, complications in the field of international academic cooperation caused by the protest movement, Israel has made efforts to form academic alliances in which Israeli institutions create new or strengthen existing partnerships outside the areas that were affected by the boycotts. Such efforts have been complemented by a desire for closer bilateral cooperation with countries and institutions that oppose the boycott. As A. Sapir and N. Kameo note, Israeli universities have begun to actively use the concept of "weak connectivity" developed in organizational theory ^[56]. This concept implies the formation of relationships when organizations, while maintaining their autonomy and special practices, are connected to each other through various coordination mechanisms.

Thanks to a new method of building international cooperation, Israeli universities have been able to overcome boycotts for many years by concluding agreements involving weak connectivity. This allowed them to access their partners' resources in a very flexible way. As a result, the boycotts, which were essentially targeted and mostly political protests, did not significantly harm the Israeli academic sector. According to R. Ross, the boycotts failed to achieve any significant political goals other than attracting media attention, especially to the BDS movement ^{[57, p. 276]}. Academic cooperation between Israeli universities and the global academic community continued. Moreover, individual members of scientific communities and guilds, on behalf of which the boycott was called for, continued to carry out comprehensive scientific cooperation with their long-standing and new Israeli colleagues and partners at the individual level. The number of researchers who did not participate in scientific meetings and conferences held in Israel was extremely small compared to those who participated. Moreover, the largest universities in Western Europe and North America not only did not support the selective boycott aimed at Israeli academic institutions, but sometimes even limited the academic mobility of Palestinian researchers ^{[58, p. 463]}.

As a result, the main goal of academic boycotts was not achieved ^[59]. At the same time, and one cannot disagree with foreign researchers on this, the boycott movement helped to focus attention on human rights issues in the hope of ensuring a just peace in Palestine/Israel ^{[60, p. 19]}. Of course, this did not lead to the same consequences as it did in the case of South Africa, but, in our opinion, it created an informational basis, as will be shown later, to complement, albeit inconsistent and fragmentary, the academic boycott movement with scientific sanctions regimes.

2. The phenomenon of scholasticism in the context of the aggravation of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict in 2023-2024.

The peculiarity of the Israeli military operation was the transformation of the scientific and educational infrastructure into an object of attack. For this reason, on April 18, 2024, UN experts expressed serious concern about the practice of attacks on schools, universities, teachers and students in the Gaza Strip (UN experts deeply concerned over ‘scholasticide’ in Gaza (04/18/2024) (https://www.ohchr.org/en/press-releases/2024/04/un-experts-deeply-concerned-over-scholasticide-gaza)). Such actions, leading to the systemic destruction of the Palestinian science and education system, have been called "scholasticide" (educide). This term was first coined by Oxford Professor K. Nabulsi during the Israeli attack on Gaza in 2008-2009. Scholasticide is described as the systematic destruction of the Palestinian entity in the context of the long-term Israeli settlement colonization and occupation of Palestine. Recently, the group of scientists "Scientists against the war in Palestine" She expanded the definition, seeing scholasticism as an integral part of genocide (International actions against scholasticism. Scholasticide definition (https://scholarsagainstwar.org/toolkit/)). Scholasticide, in their opinion, includes murder, causing bodily or mental harm, imprisonment, and systematic harassment of teachers, students, and administrators. It also includes the siege, closure or obstruction of access to educational institutions, the use of universities or schools as a military base (as was the case with Al-Israa University).

As such, the war against Palestinian science and education has been waged for about eighty years (Rabaia I., Habash L.The hidden war on higher education: unmasking the ‘educide’ in Gaza (April 2024) (https://pomeps.org/the-hidden-war-on-higher-education-unmasking-the-educide-in-gaza)). Israel's deliberate destruction of the Palestinian entity dates back to the Nakba in 1948. This kind of impact was also characteristic of the first Palestinian intifada (1987-1993), when Israel closed all Palestinian universities, some for several years, and also closed all 1,194 Palestinian schools and, eventually, kindergartens, which prompted the Palestinians to create an "illegal network" of underground schools and kindergartens. During the 2008-2009 war, the Israeli Air Force destroyed six university buildings. Against this background, Palestinian scholars and students were methodically denied their basic rights, including academic freedom, and were often imprisoned, restricted freedom of movement, and sometimes brutally attacked. Israeli universities have not only remained silent at the official level, but in many cases have directly supported or justified the ongoing suppression of Palestinian education.

In the Israeli war in the Gaza Strip in 2014, the Palestinian Economic Council for Development and Reconstruction (PECDAR) reported significant losses in higher education. According to the PECDAR report, three universities suffered the most damage (Al-Azhar University, Islamic University, University College of Applied Sciences). According to some estimates, the total losses in 2014 amounted to $33 million (Hussein R. How Israel Destroyed High Education Sector in Gaza? (24.01.2024) (https://2u.pw/zI2BVlM)). Targeted attacks on higher education institutions have had a devastating impact on educational infrastructure, hindering academic progress and hindering the development of future generations in the Gaza Strip.

The strengthening of the momentum of the academic boycott against Israel and its transition to a new stage is associated with an unprecedented aggravation of Palestinian-Israeli relations caused by the military invasion of Gaza, which was accompanied by the scaling of scholasticism as an integral part of the genocide. According to the report of the UN Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in the Occupied Palestinian Territory, there are reasonable grounds to believe that Israel is committing genocide in Gaza (Albanese F. Anatomy of a Genocide. Report of the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in the Palestinian territories occupied since 1967 // A/HRC/55/73 (25 March 2024) (https://www.ohchr.org/)). An integral part of the Israeli attack on Gaza was the destruction of 11 of the 19 higher education institutions in Gaza. On October 11, 2024, the Islamic University was completely destroyed by Israeli aircraft. On December 7, 2024, Al-Israa University was destroyed and further used as an operating and prison center (O'Malley B., Sawahel W. Can higher education in Gaza survive Israel's war on Hamas? (01/28/2024) (https://www.universityworldnews.com/post.php?story=20240128063555120 )). The destruction of Al-Azhar University, which, according to the Israeli authorities, includes elements of the Hamas infrastructure, was somehow not an isolated incident, but part of a larger campaign against higher education. On December 16, 2023, the main buildings of Al-Aqsa University were completely destroyed. Similarly, several buildings of Al-Quds University, namely its branch in Gaza, were destroyed. For five months, some 78,000 university students in Gaza were denied the opportunity to continue their education. Moreover, as of the end of February, more than 450 academic and administrative staff of universities had been killed. This number includes three university presidents, seven deans and 64 professors. In addition, 4,327 students, 231 teachers and administrators were killed, and 8,109 and 756 were injured, respectively (Gordon N., Turner l. Academics have a duty to help stop the ‘educide’ in Gaza (02/27/2024) (https://www.universityworldnews.com/post.php?story=20240227095745252 )).

The UN panel of experts who examined the destruction statistics stressed that "the constant, brutal attacks on the educational infrastructure in Gaza have a devastating long-term impact on the basic rights of people to study and express themselves freely, depriving another generation of Palestinians of a future."… These attacks are not isolated incidents. They represent a systematic pattern of violence aimed at destroying the very foundation of Palestinian society" (UN experts deeply concerned over 'scholasticide' in Gaza (04/18/2024) (https://www.ohchr.org/en/press-releases/2024/04/un-experts-deeply-concerned-over-scholasticide-gaza)). The UN Human Rights Council and UN experts have called for targeted sanctions against Israel, including restrictions on the transfer of dual-use technologies (Arms exports to Israel must stop immediately: UN experts (02/23/2024). (https://www.ohchr.org/en/press-releases/2024/02/arms-exports-israel-must-stop-immediately-un-experts)).

Israeli universities are complicit in the current and most destructive stage of scholasticism, which actively support the policy of the State of Israel, as evidenced, for example, by the call of Tel Aviv University for military mobilization ("military efforts of Tel Aviv University") or statements by the rector of Ben-Gurion University ("Strong and united, we will win"). It is understandable that no Israeli university administration has called on the Israeli Government to stop bombing Palestinian universities and deliberately destroying Palestinian higher education. On the contrary, they are using their institutions and intellectual resources to protect Israel from international criticism.

The South African Republic has filed a case against the State of Israel in the International Court of Justice in connection with alleged violations of obligations under the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide against Palestinians in Gaza. In a statement by the representative of South Africa, it was alleged that Palestinian scientists had been deliberately murdered (Mandonsela V.P. Application institute proceedings, Para 90 (12/28/2024) (https://www.icj-cij.org/sites/default/files/case-related/192/192-20231228-app-01-00-en.pdf )). The International Court of Justice, in its ruling of February 26, 2024, recognized the allegations of acts of genocide committed by Israel as plausible and confirmed the real and inevitable risk that irreparable damage will be inflicted on the Palestinians (International Court of Justice. Order (26 January 2024). Application of the Convention on the prevention and punishment of the crime of genocide in the GAZA strip (South Africa v. Israel (https://www.icj-cij.org/sites/default/files/case-related/192/192-20240126-ord-01-00-en.pdf)). The Court urged Israel to take a wide range of interim measures aimed at preventing genocide in the Gaza Strip. However, Israel ignored the introduction of temporary measures, and also did not comply with the UN Security Council resolution calling for an immediate ceasefire.

In an advisory opinion dated July 19, 2024, on the legal Consequences arising from Israeli policies and practices in the Occupied Palestinian Territory, including East Jerusalem, the International Court of Justice highlighted erga omnes obligations that were violated by Israel ((International Court of Justice. Advisory opinion (19.07.2024). Legal consequences arising from the policies and practices of Israel in the occupied Palestinian territory, including East Jerusalem (https://www.icj-cij.org/sites/default/files/case-related/186/186-20240719-adv-01-00-en.pdf)). These include the obligation to respect the right to self-determination; the obligation arising from the prohibition on the acquisition of territory by force; obligations under international humanitarian law and international human rights law. The Court considers that third States have the following obligations with respect to Israel in the current situation: the obligation to refrain from contractual relations with Israel in all cases when it intends to act on behalf of the Occupied Palestinian Territory or part of it on issues related to the Occupied Palestinian Territory or part of its territory; to refrain from entering into economic or trade relations with Israel in relation to the Occupied Palestinian Territory or parts thereof, which may consolidate its illegal presence in this territory, etc.

Against the background of the ongoing brutal offensive on Gaza after the Hamas attack on October 7, 2023, Israel faced international condemnation. In addition to the imposition by Belgium, Italy, Spain, the Netherlands and Japan of an arms embargo on Israel in connection with the decision On January 26, 2024, the International Court of Justice of the United Nations again called on BDS to boycott Israeli universities (2024, May 16). Hamas also called on academics and universities around the world to boycott Israeli universities because of their complicity in the occupation of Palestine, illegal settlements and aggression against Palestinian lands and people (Middle East Monitor. Hamas calls for global boycott of Israeli universities (08.07.2022) (https://www.universityworldnews.com/post.php?story=2022070811110495)).

An open Letter from Birzeit University, located in Bethlehem, has become widely known. It calls on all academic institutions in the world to take measures aimed at stopping the genocide of the Palestinians (Myklebust J.P. Why five institutions suspended ties with Israeli universities (04/05/2024) (https://www.universityworldnews.com/post.php?story=20240405121109461 )). Fifteen major Palestinian universities have called on academics and academic institutions to isolate Israeli universities because "they were indispensable to the regime of colonial oppression of settlers and apartheid, were complicit in serious human rights violations, including the development of weapons, military doctrines and legal justification for indiscriminate, mass attacks on Palestinians" (A Unified Call for Justice and Freedom in Palestine.A call from Palestinian Higher Education Institutions Do not be Silent during Israel's Unfolding Genocide (11/29/2023) https://www.birzeit.edu/en/news/unified-call-justice-and-freedom-palestine )).

The destruction of Gaza's higher education institutions has been heavily criticized internationally, not only by South Africa and BDS, but also by the United States, which is Israel's main ally. On January 23, 2024, after the bombing of Al-Israa University, the United States demanded an official explanation of the reasons for the attack on the university. From Israel, namely from the Chief of Staff of the Israeli army, information was received about the investigation of the incident, which resulted in the establishment of the fact that Hamas used the university and its surroundings for terrorist operations against the Israeli military (With Photos and Videos: BBC records the destruction of most Gaza's universities. BBC Arabic. (10.03.2024) (https://www.bbc.com/arabic/articles/czqz1w49j41o)). However, the official results of the investigation have not been made public.

At the forefront of the ongoing worldwide protests over the conflict in Gaza are universities with their student camps demanding that institutions sever ties with Israel. Requirements are being put forward for decision makers at universities, including requirements as to whether cooperation with Israeli partners is acceptable. A number of universities have either suspended or are in the process of reviewing their cooperation with Israel (List of universities that already engaged in academic boycott (https://academicsforpalestine.dk/list-of-universities-that-already-engaged-in-academic-boycott /)).

Of course, the protest movement turned out to be associated with an increase in anti-Semitism around the world (Bloomberg News. A Wave of Hate Crime Unleashed by Israel-Hamas War Is Testing the World (November 30, 2023) https://www.bloomberg.com/news/features/2023-11-30/antisemitism-islamophobia-rise-around-world-amid-israel-hamas-conflict)). By the way, within the framework of the previous phase of the boycott movement, excesses of anti-Semitism were also traced ^[61]. The response was a certain surge of Zionism, which led to increased social tensions in the United States, Germany, Canada and other countries. Despite the claims of Israeli and pro-Israeli journalists and experts that calls for a boycott, both earlier and now, are anti-Semitic, in fact, there is an orientation towards an institutional boycott, and not a boycott aimed at persons of any particular nationality or ethnicity, in particular Israelis. Therefore, according to PACBI's plans, although the boycott will affect non-Jewish and non-Israeli scientists working at Israeli universities, it will not affect Israelis working outside Israel.

Nevertheless, during the analysis of the previous phase of the boycott (2002-2022), some experts put forward the idea that the academic boycott of Israel, allegedly directed against the Israeli academy, is actually intended to isolate and stigmatize Jewish scientists in America. It serves the purpose of ousting Jewish scientists from scientific disciplines where Jews are considered to be "overrepresented" ^[62].

In parallel with the appeals and specific decisions on suspending or severing ties with Israeli universities, the support of representatives of the Palestinian academic sphere is gaining momentum. Against this background, representatives of the Israeli diaspora, in protest against the surge of anti-Semitism in the university environment, provide assistance to Israeli universities. For example, in early June 2024, Bar-Ilan University received an anonymous donation from a Columbia University graduate from the United States in the amount of $ 260 million.

3. The protest movement in the United States against the Israeli academic sector

The greatest intensity of the pro-Palestinian protest, especially among students, is characteristic of the United States. In some cases, individual scientists have become participants in the ongoing protests. However, in the United States, as it will be shown later, unlike in Europe, institutional boycotts of Israel involving the adoption of official decisions are extremely rare. This is largely due to the fact that US university administrations have rejected the BDS movement for decades, considering it anti-Semitic because it calls into question the legitimacy of the Jewish state. In addition, the actions called for by BDS are contrary to the laws of more than half of the US states, including New York and California.

The current academic boycott is a continuation of previous events that unfolded under the influence of calls by the US Campaign for an Academic and Cultural Boycott of Israel (USACBI) for academic boycotts, for example, in the form of ending the participation of American institutions in academic exchange programs with Israel. In support, the thesis was put forward that participation in such programs perpetuates the ongoing violation of Palestinian rights, including their academic freedoms. Recall that Columbia University contributed to the dissemination of the idea that Israeli universities are committed to academic freedom. However, the wave of protests spreading to campuses across the country began precisely with the events at this university, when about a hundred students of Columbia University were detained by the police in mid-April 2024, who were invited by the rector to dismantle the protest camp.

Despite the declared freedom of expression, the persecution of Palestinian solidarity activists on US university campuses has become quite common. The negative reaction to the involvement of the university administration in the suppression of the protest has sparked a discussion about whether the actions of universities are consistent with their stated obligations to ensure freedom of speech.

Anyway, pro-Palestinian protests by university students against Israel's war in the Gaza Strip have appeared at other universities, including Harvard, the University of Southern California, Yale University, Brown University, New York University, the University of Michigan and the University of Texas. Protests on many campuses were organized by coalitions of student groups such as Students for Justice in Palestine, Jewish Voice for Peace, and others. They join umbrella groups such as the "Coalition Against Apartheid" of the Massachusetts Institute of Technology and the "Tahrir Coalition" of the University of Michigan. While some pro-Israel groups claim that the protests included anti-Semitic elements and made them feel unsafe (Bernstein D. The US College Campus as a Long-term Strategic Threat to Israel, the US and Global Stability (November 2023) (https://jstribune.com/bernstein-us-college-campus-long-term-threat-to-israel /)), pro-Palestinian groups, on the contrary, emphasize that a significant number of Jewish students take part in the solidarity movement with the Palestinians. The demands put forward by the students include the refusal of universities to support the genocide by refusing to invest in companies producing weapons that are used in Israel's war in the Gaza Strip. However, it is not entirely clear which investments are directed to Israel from university funds, since in most cases universities do not disclose information about their foreign assets. Therefore, in the expert environment, the requirement to refuse investments is regarded as unrealistic (Lorin J. et al. Harvard, Yale Students Shout ‘Divest!’ at Unyielding Universities (26.04.2024) (https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2024-04-26/columbia-harvard-say-no-to-student-demands-for-israel-divestment)). However, students are making additional demands, such as curtailing academic exchange programs, as well as "rejecting" Israel as such.

The protest movement in the United States is accompanied not only by the involvement of police to disperse demonstrators, as was the case at Columbia, Yale and California Universities, but also by the conclusion of deals between the administration and the protesters. In some cases, the actions of the university administration are regarded as undermining academic freedom and the rights of students. In others, university administrations are taking flexible actions aimed at ensuring a balance of security, academic freedom and open discourse. Thus, a deal was concluded between the administration of Brown University and the protesters, according to which the latter agreed to dismantle their camp in exchange for a promise that they would be able to submit their proposals on limiting ties with Israeli universities to the university's governing body. The administration also agreed that students participating in the camp would not be excluded from the university. All this means that the administration listens to the students' demands, but at the same time does not follow their lead.

As an example, let's take the events at the University of British Columbia in Vancouver (UBC). The University Senate held an emergency meeting on June 1, 2024, to discuss the termination or suspension of academic ties with Israeli public universities. This happened after a Senate meeting on May 15, at which protesters from the Palestinian solidarity camp read statements criticizing UBC for its alleged complicity in what human rights experts call the genocide in Gaza (Janmohamed I. Senators quash motion to cut academic ties with Israeli universities in private session (06/07/2024) (https://ubyssey.ca/news/senate-summed-up-06-01-2024 /)). One of the demands is a boycott of Israeli universities and institutes. UBC currently cooperates with Tel Aviv University, Technion-Israel Institute of Technology and the Hebrew University of Jerusalem.

The senators rejected not only the demands of the students, but also the proposal to sever academic ties with Israeli universities until further notice, which was submitted to the Senate by B. Bhandar, a law professor at the University of British Columbia. Meanwhile, B. Bhandar stated that his proposal is not related to the BDS movement demanding a boycott of all Israeli universities. The proposal focused exclusively on the institutional links and exchange programs that currently exist with three Israeli universities. UBC Vice-Rector and Vice-President for Academic Affairs G. Averill referred to the fact that UBC's agreements with the Israel Institute of Technology and Tel Aviv University have expired. UBC's new agreement with Tel Aviv University is under active negotiation, but, according to Averill, a new agreement has not yet been reached or signed. UBC's agreement with the Hebrew University of Jerusalem is valid until November 2027.

The participation of some teachers in the protest movement took the form of severing institutional ties with Israel, but with the possibility of cooperation at the individual level. For example, F. Cohen, a demographer at the University of Maryland, rejected an Israeli Science Foundation request to consider a research proposal. In his opinion, "the international community cannot allow normalization of relations with the State of Israel in the light of its actions in the Gaza Strip and the West Bank since October 7" (Cit. on: Cohen P.N. Declining a review for the Israel Science Foundation, explained (03/23/2024) (https://familyinequality.wordpress.com/2024/03/23/declining-a-review-for-the-israel-science-foundation-explained/)). He sees his decision as a contribution to efforts to promote the diplomatic, political and even scientific isolation of Israel, which is on the "wrong side of history." However, F. Cohen does not deny the possibility of cooperation on an individual level.

In the context of the intensification of the protest movement, the evolution of the American scientific community's approach to academic boycott is quite indicative. For example, for a long time the American Association of University Professors (AAUP) opposed academic boycotts. The AAUP's opposition, including to the academic boycott of Israel, was formalized in 2005 in a general statement claiming that such a boycott violates prima facie academic freedom (AAUP. On Academic Boycott. Report (2006) (https://www.aaup.org/file/On-Academic-Boycotts_0.pdf)). The reviewed statement was replaced by the publication in 2024 of a new Statement on Academic Boycotts (AAUP. Statement on Academic Boycotts (2024). (https://www.aaup.org/report/statement-academic-boycotts)). In it, the AAUP reversed its previous policy and acknowledged that those seeking to protect Israel had abused this policy to undermine principled campaigns to end universities' complicity in Israel's grave crimes against Palestinians. Academic boycotts should be directed only at those institutions of higher education that themselves violate academic freedom or fundamental rights that are related to academic freedom.

As you can see, in the United States, despite the change in the position of the AAUP, no official decisions were made on institutional boycotts, much less on the imposition of sanctions against the Israeli academic sector.

4. The sanctions regime of the universities of the Southern European States in relation to the academic sector of Israel

Protests initiated by students of Columbia University in New York have spread all over the world, including in Europe (Ozkan S. Academic boycott against Israeli universities grows every day (03.03.2024) (https://www.aa.com.tr/en/middle-east/academic-boycott-against-israeli-universities-grows-every-day/3154023)). Spain is one of the countries whose universities have taken the most decisive position in relation to the academic sector of Israel. In the scientific literature, this is explained by Spain's empathy for Gaza ^[63].

The first wave of pro-Palestinian student protest began at the University of Valencia on April 29, 2024, when students set up several dozen tents calling for an end to the genocide in Gaza. This was followed by similar camps and protests at other universities in the country. In this context, the Coordinator of Student Representatives at Public Universities (CREUP) demanded that the Minister of Science, Innovation and Universities, D. Morant, take measures to improve the situation of university students in Palestine and put an end to any kind of cooperation with Israel, in particular in the Spanish university system (Rigg P. Spanish universities to review ties with Israeli universities(11 May 2024) (https://www.universityworldnews.com/post.php?story=20240511215138917 )).

Experts place the current wave of protests in Spain in the historical context of the student strikes at the University of Barcelona in November 1913 and the protests against Franco's repression in the 1950s and 1960s, arguing that the struggle for justice and freedom was constant in the history of Spanish universities (Ramos S. Las protestas estudiantiles en España, un legado de lucha y resistencia que perdura a lo largo de la historia (05/19/2024) (https://www.lasexta.com/programas/lasexta-clave/protestas-estudiantiles-espana-legado-lucha-resistencia-que-perdura-largo-historia_20240509663d2e59c18d400001f6b596.html)).

Amid the protests, the board of the Conference of Rectors of Spanish Universities (CRUE), which includes the heads of 50 public and 26 private universities Spain, reaffirming the commitment of Spanish universities to peace, justice and international humanitarian law, decided to review and, if necessary, suspend the cooperation agreement with Israeli universities and research centers that have not expressed a firm commitment to peace and respect for international humanitarian law (Comunicado de CRUE sobre la situación en la Franja de Gaza (Madrid, 9 de mayo de 2024) (https://www.crue.org/2024/05/comunicado-de-crue-sobre-la-situacion-en-la-franja-de-gaza /)). At the same time, a commitment was made to ensure that anti-Semitism would not take place in the exercise of freedom of speech in university communities.

Guided by the decision of the Conference, various Spanish universities began to make their own decisions on suspending ties with Israeli universities that did not express a firm commitment to peace and respect for international humanitarian law (Baker M. 76 Universities in Spain Suspend Ties With Complicated Israeli Universities (05/11/2024) (https://www.monabaker.org/2024/05/11/76-universities-in-spain-suspend-ties-with-complicit-israeli-universities/)).

Activists of pro-Palestinian student camps at universities have a key impact on the development of such solutions in Spain, as well as in other countries of the world. As already noted, the first university in Spain to declare its position on the Israeli invasion of the Gaza area was the University of Valencia. The university's resolute pro-Palestinian position is largely due to the anti-Israeli sentiment of the semi-autonomous region of Valencia. Back in 2017, the region chose the boycott of Israel as its official policy (Spanish region reportedly adopts Israel boycott (01/17/2017) (https://www.timesofisrael.com/spanish-region-reportedly-adopts-israel-boycott /)). The University Senate, at its meetings on November 9 and December 19, 2023, as well as on January 30, 2024, took a clear and unambiguous position on violations of international humanitarian law (The Universitat de València takes a stance on Gaza(05/06/2024) (https://www.uv.es/uvweb/uv-news/en/news/posicio-de-la-universitat-de-valencia-sobre-gaza-1285973304159/Novetat.html?id=1286380321089&plantilla=UV_Noticies/Page/TPGDetaillNews). Further, at a meeting of the University Senate on February 22, 2024, the rector presented a report on the legal situation that arose as a result of the Israeli military intervention. The Senate of the University of Valencia adopted a declaration in which it formulated a demand for the release of hostages captured by Hamas and reaffirmed its firm commitment to values such as peace, justice, human rights and democracy (Institutional Declaration of the Senate of the Universitat de València (02/22/2024)(https://www.uv.es/uvweb/uv-news/en/news/posicio-de-la-universitat-de-valencia-sobre-gaza-1285973304159/Novetat.html?id=1286380321089&plantilla=UV_Noticies/Page/TPGDetaillNews)). The rector also said that the university has no existing cooperation agreements with Israeli universities and that for the period 2024, no Israeli university will be included in the academic mobility program.

It should be recalled that back in early March 2021, the University of Valencia confirmed that it would not sign and, accordingly, implement the planned cooperation agreement with Ariel University, which is located in an illegal Israeli settlement in the Occupied Palestinian Territory, in accordance with its human rights obligations. During the meeting of the University Senate on March 11, 2024, Rector M. Escriva stated that the agreement has not entered into force and that the University of Valencia will not sign an agreement with Ariel University (Three European universities end agreements with illegal Israeli settlement-based Ariel University (03/31/2021) (https://english.wafa.ps/Pages/Details/123900 )). The agreement between the two universities was first approved in May 2019, but was thus suspended after protests by the student union.

A rather decisive position was expressed by the Council of the Faculty of Applied Economics of the University of Valencia. In the declaration adopted at the meeting on April 17, 2024, the Council asked all academic and scientific organizations in Spain and Europe to join the international call for an immediate end to the bombing of Gaza and Israeli military operations in illegally occupied territories throughout Palestine, as well as the severance of all relations with institutions and companies that support the State of Israel until then until respect for international legality, peace and fundamental human and political rights of the Palestinian people is restored (El Consell del Departament de Economía Aplicada de la Universitat de València. SOLIDARITY AMB GAZA MANIFEST (17.04.2024) (https://www.uv.es/aplicada/manifiesto.pdf)). The declaration noted that the academic boycott of Israel does not affect individual researchers who can continue to participate in international activities. According to the latest decision of the Senate, adopted at the end of May 2024 (EL COMPROMÍS DE LA UNIVERSITAT AMB PALESTINA PRONOUNCIAMENT DEL CONSELL DE GOVERN (05/28/2024) (https://www.uv.es/rectorat/noticies/PRONUNCIAMENT%20CONSELL%20DE%20GOVERN%2028%20DE%20MAIG%20DE%202024%20PALESTINA.pdf)) The University of Valencia has pledged not to sign any agreements or cooperation agreements with Israeli institutions, universities and research centers while crimes against the Palestinian people, as well as Systematic and massive violations of human rights will not be stopped. Another commitment was to intensify cooperation with the Palestinian science and higher education system and expand cooperation, volunteerism and refugee support programs.

At an extraordinary meeting of the Board of Governors of the University of Granada (UGR) on May 17, 2024, a decision was approved to take measures against Israeli partner universities in the light of the war between Israel and Gaza (Rigg P. Spanish universities to review ties with Israeli universities(05/11/2024) (https://www.universityworldnews.com/post.php?story=20240511215138917 )). The list of measures included the following: suspension of incoming and outgoing mobility of students, teaching and research staff, as well as technical, managerial, administrative and support staff at Israeli universities, in particular within the framework of bilateral mobility agreements Erasmus+ KA171; suspension of agreements on assistant work and summer courses signed with the University named after Bar-Ilan and Tel Aviv University; non-signing of new agreements and non-participation in new projects of international academic cooperation with Israeli universities, etc.

In response, the pro-Israel Association for Action and Communication in the Middle East (ACOM) requested a temporary suspension of three points of the decision approved on May 17, 2024 by the Governing Council of the University of Granada. On June 14, 2024, the Administrative Court No. 3 of Granada issued decision 223/20244 on an administrative appeal for the protection of fundamental rights. The Court upheld the temporary suspension of only one of the measures related to the termination of scientific and technical cooperation in research consortia promoted by the European Commission with the participation of UGR and its Israeli partners. The court argued that this measure would not allow researchers from these institutions to use the UGR infrastructure and would negatively affect the stay of Israeli researchers in Spain (The boycott of a Spanish university of Israeli universities and institutions is judicially stopped (June 19, 2024) (https://a-com.es/en/the-boycott-of-a-spanish-university-of-israeli-universities-and-institutions-is-judicially-stopped/)). The remaining measures, including suspending the mobility of students, teachers and researchers, curtailing summer courses with Bar-Ilan and Tel Aviv universities, as well as the obligation not to sign new agreements with these institutions, were left in force.

At the University of Oviedo, on the basis of the Asturian Academic Institute, there is a UniOvi Assembly for Palestine, whose participants are professors, students and administrative staff. In April–May 2024, the Assembly intensified its activities to discuss the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Among the demands of the Assembly, which holds periodic protests, was the suspension of the agreement between the University of Oviedo and the Hebrew University of Jerusalem (Hebrew University/HUJI). This is the only international agreement between the Asturian Academic Institute and an Israeli institution. The Assembly's demand was prompted by a statement from the Hebrew University that it was providing various logistical equipment to several military units for the Israeli invasion of Gaza. On May 10, 2024, the Rector of the University of Oviedo officially announced that the Asturian Academic Institute would suspend its only cooperation agreement with the Israeli University (Garcia Ch. Universidad de Oviedo suspenderá su único convenio con Israel: "Se han traspasado todas las líneas rojas" (05/10/2024) (https://www.lne.es/asturias/2024/05/10/universidad-oviedo-suspendera-unico-convenio-102202903.html)). The rector's statement was made almost a few hours after the Conference of Rectors of Spanish Universities (CRUE) announced that cooperation agreements with Israeli centers that have not expressed a firm commitment to peace should be reviewed and suspended.

May 8, 2024 The Senate of the University of Barcelona, under certain pressure from the protest movement (Telecinco News. Acampadas universitarias propalestinas, en directo / Los acampados en Barcelona por Gaza no dificultarán el 12M (05/10/2024) (https://www.telecinco.es/noticias/espana/20240510/directo-acampadas-universidades-protestas-propalestina-ultima-hora_19_012453016.html)) , adopted a resolution in support of Palestine and called for the severance of all institutional and academic ties with Israel until the genocide in Gaza ends. The decision, approved by 59 votes in favor, 23 against and 37 abstentions, was greeted with glee by protesting students (University of Barcelona's senate votes to cut ties with Israel (05/19/2024) (https://en.hespress.com/84805-university-of-barcelonas-senate-votes-to-cut-ties-with-israel.html )). The resolution also called on Spain and the autonomous region of Catalonia to sever ties with Israel, and provided for the university's obligation not to commit acts or omissions that contribute to Israel's occupation of Palestinian territories. In addition, it was planned to create a special commission to investigate relations with entities that do not comply with international humanitarian law.

The first university in Italy to suspend some ties with Israeli universities was the University of Turin. The student groups "Cambiare Rotta" and "Progetto Palestine" called for the cancellation of nine cooperation agreements between the University of Turin and Israeli universities, citing concerns that the development of dual-use technologies could be funded as part of joint projects (University, Italian Jews' outrage over boycott of Israel (03/26/2024) (https://moked.it/international/2024/03/26/university-italian-jews-outrage-over-boycott-of-israel/)). Under the influence of the protests, the Academic Senate of the University decided to curtail the initiative to finance joint research projects related to dual-use technologies. The proposal on the university's non-participation in the implementation of the Agreement on Industrial, Scientific and Technological Cooperation between Italy and Israel in 2024, which focuses on cooperation in the field of tillage technologies, water technologies and precision optics, was also approved. However, the Academic Senate, which voted against financing joint research projects between Italy and Israel, nevertheless rejected calls for a broader termination of ties with Israeli universities (Bartov Sh. L. Italy's University of Turin to exit Israel research pact amid Gaza protests (03/22/2024) (https://www.timesofisrael.com/italys-university-of-turin-to-exit-israel-research-pact-amid-gaza-protests/)). Despite the fact that the decision of the Senate of the University of Turin was quite moderate, Prime Minister J. Meloni stated that it is a matter of concern that the Senate has clearly conceded to the collectives (No boycott or anti-Semitism - Turin university rector.'All existing agreements with Israel remain valid' (20.03.2024) (https://www.ansa.it/english/news/general_news/2024/03/20/no-boycott-or-anti-semitism-turin-university-rector_008ba757-7f25-4229-832e-f54c71d3178a.html)). Thus, in this case, the university took its own position, which was not consonant with the position of the government. This was also pointed out by the Minister of Education and Science A. Bernini, who repeatedly rejected calls for a boycott of Israel, warning against the association of the Netanyahu government with people and universities (Matthews D. Academic boycotts over Gaza war jeopardize Israel's place in Horizon Europe (05/23/2024) (https://sciencebusiness.net/news/universities/academic-boycotts-over-gaza-war-jeopardise-israels-place-horizon-europe)).

The decision of the University of Turin has caused concern among Italian leaders of Jewish public organizations. Noemi Di Segni, president of the Union of Italian Jewish Communities, expressed alarm about anti-Semitism in Italian universities. In his letter addressed to the Minister of Education and Science A. Bernini and the President of the Conference of Rectors of Italian Universities, J. Iannantuoni, she expressed deep concern about what happened in Turin and other Italian universities. "Such a decision," she stressed, "offends the principles of freedom and cooperation, which are the basis of the life and activities of academic institutions, and is unprecedented in relations with any other state, including those ruled by dictatorial regimes" (Noemi Di Segni. Oggetto: Università italiane - Appello delle Comunità ebraiche italianet (20.03.2024) (https://www.ucei.it/wp-content/uploads/2024/03/Lettera-Ministra-Bernin-e-Presidente-Inannantuoni.pdf)). In response to the stated position, the Rector of the University of Turin, St. Jeuna, stated that the decision of the Academic Senate regarding academic cooperation is neither a boycott of Israel nor a form of anti-Semitism, but represents "an action on a very specific occasion." Moreover, cooperation between the university and Israeli scientists will continue, and all currently valid agreements with Israeli universities remain in force (No boycott or anti-Semitism – Turin university rector (03/20/2024). (https://www.ansa.it/amp/english/news/2024/03/20/no-boycott-or-anti-semitism-turin-university-rector_a4958325-45fe-46dd-afe7-133aa89be222.html)).

The Academic Senate of the University of Palermo announced the suspension of participation in the exchange of students under the Erasmus+ program due to lack of security guarantees, as well as the beginning of work on new procedures for regulating research agreements with Israeli institutions (Situazione israelo-palestinian, il Senato Accademico approva il documento di indirizzo (05/27/2024) (https://www.unipa.it/Situazione-israelo-palestinese-il-Senato-Accademico-approva-il-documento-di-indirizzo/)). With regard to the broader topic of agreements with universities, research centers and companies, the University of Palermo announced its intention to establish due diligence procedures, starting preliminary work on the development of a special provision on the dual use of R&D results. In general, the Academic Senate of the University voted against establishing new ties with Israeli academic institutions and called for a review of current and future agreements. Along with these initiatives, measures to support the Palestinian education system aimed at ensuring the right to education through the creation of humanitarian corridors and the allocation of scholarships are currently being studied.

A similar decision to support the initiative "Scientists in danger" and "Students in danger" was made by the Academic Senate of the University of Padua (Il Senato accademico approva all'unanimità la mozione sul conflitto nella Striscia di Gaza (05/14/2024) (https://www.unipd.it/news/mozione-sul-conflitto-striscia-gaza )). However, the suspension of cooperation with Israel was not announced. Nevertheless, taking into account current events, the University decided to update the provisions of Article 15 of the Code of Good Faith of the University of Padua, which aims to comply with the ethical principles underlying the work of the University.

After a wave of student protests, the suspension of the agreement with Ariel University was also announced by the University of Milan (Statale Milano sospende accordi con ateneo israeliano Ariel (04/10/2024)(https://www.ansa.it/lombardia/notizie/2024/04/10/statale-milano-sospende-accordi-con-ateneo-israeliano-ariel_79fe0b23-f4cb-4797-b289-71eaf521861e.html)). The student organization "Young Palestinians", which launched the information campaign "Students against Apartheid" in 2022, praised this decision as its first victory. In turn, the university management explained that the suspension, as such, was formalized at the end of 2023 after a special investigation and was caused by the fact that in 2018 the Israeli parliament passed a Law on universities, which extended the authority of the State of Israel to university institutions built outside the "green" line. Despite the decision regarding Ariel University, the University of Milan has an active agreement with Reichman University in Israel. For this reason, students are currently in the process of collecting signatures in favor of terminating or suspending this agreement with this university due to the latter's complicity in Israeli apartheid and genocide.

5. The sanctions regime of Benelux universities in relation to the academic sector of Israel

A powerful student protest movement has engulfed universities in Belgium, including Antwerp and Brussels. In early May 2024, students demanding severance of ties with Israel occupied the campus of the French-speaking Free University of Brussels (Université Libre de Bruxelles/ULB). At the end of May, the ULB Academic Council announced in a statement that it would suspend all agreements and the implementation of research projects involving Israeli universities until the latter make a clear commitment to comply with the recent decision International Court of Justice (Ruig P. Academic boycotts claim wins as EU universities start cutting ties with Israel (05/29/2024)(https://euobserver.com/health-and-society/ar5fd8e187)).

In turn, the rector of the University of Antwerp, G. van Goetem, informed the students who had occupied part of the campus for several weeks that cooperation with Israeli universities would be suspended in the future. However, all current research projects will be completed, but will be subject to additional review by the Ethics Committee (University of Antwerp and ULB pause cooperation agreements with Israeli partners (May 28, 2024). (https://www.belganewsagency.eu/university-of-antwerp-and-ulb-pause-cooperation-agreements-with-israeli-partners)). In turn, the Council of the Faculty of Law of the University of Antwerp made a unanimous decision to terminate the cooperation agreement with Bar-Ilan University in connection with Israel's violations of international law in Gaza and Bar-Ilan University's unwavering support for the Israeli military attack (Pedrazzoli M. University of Antwerp and Université Libre de Bruxelles suspend collaborations with Israeli institutes (05/29/2024) (https://www.eunews.it/en/2024/05/29/university-of-antwerp-and-universite-libre-de-bruxelles-suspend-collaborations-with-israeli-institutes/)).

These universities insist on greater transparency regarding possible links with Israeli institutions. In particular, UAntwerp has published a list of all joint projects with Israeli universities and organizations, and ULB has carefully checked all partnerships and agreements with Israeli universities (University of Antwerp and ULB pause cooperation agreements with Israeli partners (May 28, 2024) (https://www.belganewsagency.eu/university-of-antwerp-and-ulb-pause-cooperation-agreements-with-israeli-partners)).

Let us now turn to the analysis of the position of the liberal Dutch-speaking University of Brussels (Vrije Universiteit Brussels/VUB), which separated from the ULB in 1969. In May 2024, classes were not held at VUB, as students occupied the university building (The Brussels Times. Pro-Palestinian students to occupy VUB building from Monday (11.05.2024) (https://www.brusselstimes.com/1041138/pro-palestinian-students-to-occupy-vub-building-from-monday)). The occupation, which has become an expression of protest against violence in the Gaza Strip, is aimed at putting pressure on the university to break off partnerships with organizations that contribute to the Israeli military offensive. In early May 2024, Rector J. Danckart, who is also Chairman of the Flemish Interuniversity Council (VLIR), held a constructive meeting with a delegation of students from the Palestinian Solidarity Network to discuss actions in response to the war in Gaza (Rector Jan Danckaert over de pro-Palestijnse studentenprotesten in de Zevende Dag (05/07/2024) (https://www.vub.be/nl/nieuws/rector-jan-danckaert-over-de-pro-palestijnse-studentenprotesten-in-de-zevende-dag)). The Rector noted that VUB does not take a neutral position regarding the conflict. Nevertheless, it was stressed that Flemish universities oppose a general boycott, but support ensuring transparency of relations with Israel. As an alternative to calls for a boycott, the evaluation of each project using a human rights test (Vlaamse universiteiten beoordelen elk project met mensenrechtenproef) was chosen. As part of the testing, joint projects are checked on a scale of the following questions: whether a country or region is involved in the conflict; what is the position of the institution in relation to the regime and the conflict; what type of research is in question; whether their results can be used unauthorized for military purposes. Following this policy, VUB carefully evaluates the current cooperation in the light of the unacceptable escalation of the conflict in the Middle East (VUB intends to end collaboration project with two Israeli institutions (05/13/2024) (https://www.vub.be/en/news/vub-intends-end-collaboration-project-with-two-israeli-institutions )). The university emphasizes the lack of bilateral cooperation with Israel. Multilateral cooperation remains, but it is pointed out that it is difficult to terminate it, since any termination must be agreed with the financing authority, in this case with the European Commission.

After the escalation of hostilities in Gaza, the Committee on Human Rights Policy and Dual-Use Research (CHRPDUR) of the University of Ghent in November 2023 conducted an assessment of existing agreements involving one or more Israeli partners (Advice on current collaborations between Ghent university and Israeli entities (30.05.2024) (https://www.ugent.be/en/news-events/enclosures/chrpdur-advice-and-overview.pdf )). The Committee's final document noted that Ghent University's human rights policy is aimed at preventing human rights violations by Ghent University, as well as preventing the subsequent misuse of research results for human rights violations by academic institutions, companies, etc. The Committee recommended that, with regard to ongoing projects in which one or more The partners are involved in human rights violations, and all necessary steps have been taken to find out whether cooperation with the relevant Israeli partner can be terminated. At its meeting on May 3, 2024, the Board of Governors of Ghent University announced the severance of relations with three Israeli research organizations, which, in its opinion, were very problematic due to ties with the Israeli Ministry of War. Speaking at a meeting on May 3, 2024, the Rector of the University, R. van de Walle, stated that Ghent University does not cooperate in any way with the parties involved in serious human rights violations committed by the Israeli government in Gaza, East Jerusalem or the West Bank (Message from rector Rik Van de Walle (05/16/2024) (https://www.ugent.be/en/news-events/collaboration-with-israeli-partners-update-16-may-2024 )). After the new audit, the university plans to terminate all current institutional cooperation with Israeli universities and research institutes. Previously, the university had already suspended three projects. Now 15 more cooperation projects will be terminated, bringing their total number to 18.

Protest sentiments, including calls to end cooperation with Israel, also swept the University of Luvien.However, as noted by the rector of the University L. Cels, collaboration with Israelis "includes research on Parkinson's disease, autism, and soil biodiversity. Stopping these studies would have a serious impact on the excellent science in the making, including for many non-Israeli partners in these consortia" (Sels L. Why we don't opt for a boycott (05/22/2024) (https://kuleuvenblogt.be/2024/05/23/why-we-dont-opt-for-a-boycott /)). In his opinion, an isolated academic boycott, if it does not affect the rest of the government and society, will do more harm than good, as it can isolate and discourage representatives of progressive forces in Israeli universities. However, the Committee on Ethics of Dual Use, Military Use and Misuse of Research (EC DMM) of the University of Luvien decided not to allow any new partner relations with Israeli universities outside the implementation of the verification procedure for planned projects. In turn, the Committee, after conducting a thorough assessment, decided not to terminate cooperation within the framework of EU-funded research consortia, since the expected results of relevant research do not pose a noticeable risk of human rights violations, and are also not related to military use. At the same time, all researchers were asked to exercise caution and care when planning a new research collaboration while the Netanyahu government continues its aggression.

Turning to the analysis of the position of Dutch universities, we note that in late 2023 – early 2024, in response to the ongoing genocide in Palestine committed by the State of Israel, students and staff of Dutch universities increased pressure on their institutions to sever ties with Israeli companies and universities involved in crimes against humanity (Dutch academics boycott Israeli universities (05/20/2021) (https://advalvas.vu.nl/en/student-society/dutch-academics-boycott-israeli-universities /)). A large group of students and teachers have put forward a demand for the severance of all economic, political and military relations with Israel until all segments of the Palestinian people are granted their rights (Nederlands hoger onderwijs solidair met Palestijnen (05/20/2024) (https://docs.google.com/document/d/16h-MKKnK3sGjslqS7MPWX8djSYgxFE8cNDpYQ3NVq1c/edit )). However, the university authorities have taken a different position.

In early June 2024, fifteen rectors of Dutch universities published an Open Letter (Ingezonden brief rectors magnifici in Trouw (06/08/2024) https://www.universiteitenvannederland.nl/actueel/nieuws/ingezonden-brief-rectores-magnifici-in-trouw)). It stated that they would not consider severing ties with all Israeli universities and research centers and did not intend to isolate Israeli scientists. Breaking ties was regarded by the rectors as an excessive action.Accordingly, the introduction of a ban on cooperation with all Israeli universities was not envisaged, since this would contradict the basic value of academic freedom.Let's pay attention to the use of the following logic of argumentation: there will be no rupture of relations only if appropriate instructions are not received from the government (Lambeets K. Rectors do not want to cut ties with Israeli universities (06/08/2024) (https://www.voxweb.nl/english/rectors-do-not-want-to-cut-ties-with-israeli-universities )). And since there was no such indication, the cooperation continues, although it takes a prudent character. This means initiating a review of Israeli partner universities for their compliance with the values of the academic ethos.

At the general political level, the right–wing majority in the House of Representatives of the Dutch Parliament – the States General - called on universities not to succumb to protests. However, the activists continued to increase their pressure. An important event was the launch of a special website that displays the links between universities and Israel (What ties do Dutch universities have to Israel? (https://academiccomplicity.nl )). In addition to analyzing ties with Israeli companies, universities, government agencies and research institutes, the review included information on the long-term relationships of Dutch universities with major international military security companies that supply weapons and technology to the Israel Defense Forces and/or participate in ongoing cooperation with the Israeli military industry. In line with the calls of the international BDS movement, the review focuses on institutional linkages and does not include an analysis of collaboration between individual scientists.

In principle, the letter leaves universities with the opportunity to evaluate their cooperation with specific institutions. In this regard, committees and groups have been established at various universities to provide advice and facilitate dialogue. As already noted, this practice is widespread in Belgium. According to R. Hansevoort, Chairman of the Ethics Committee and at the same time Dean of the International Institute for Social Research (ISS) in The Hague, which is part of the Erasmus University of Rotterdam, universities are sincerely looking for an answer to the question of how to wisely handle existing partnerships and what criteria this partnership should meet (Ethics committees investigate ties to Israel(31 05.2024) (https://advalvas.vu.nl/en/student-society/ethics-committees-investigate-ties-to-israel /)).

In early 2024, the leadership of Leiden University received several petitions from students and staff regarding links with Israeli universities. At the level of the University Council, with the involvement of experts, a discussion of the issues raised in them was held. In May 2024, the Council decided to implement a preliminary policy on relations with Israeli universities (Brief summary of our approach to our ties with Israeli institutions (05/16/2024) (https://www.universiteitleiden.nl/en/news/2024/05/brief-summary-of-our-approach-to-our-ties-with-israeli-institutions)). It was decided to suspend the exchange of students from the Hebrew University of Jerusalem and Tel Aviv University. It is also planned to establish committees to review current and new research cooperation with Israel. As in the cases with other universities, the basis for such a decision was indicated, namely the requirement that the university's partners, being participants in joint research projects, should respect human rights, equality, academic freedom and honesty (Our ties with Israeli universities (05/17/2024) https://www.universiteitleiden.nl/en/news/2024/05/our-ties-with-israeli-universities )).

Like other universities, Tilburg University has also been affected by the pro-Palestinian protest movement and academic debate regarding the Palestinian-Israeli conflict. The Palestinian solidarity group Tilburg "Palestine Solidarity Tilburg" (PST) organized a protest march on campus. On May 27, 2024, an open letter was published calling for the suspension of ties with Israeli universities involved in the genocide against the Palestinian people. The attitude of the university administration towards the protest movement is quite balanced. The Executive Council of the University interacts with the PST in the form of a constructive dialogue at the site of the Advisory Committee (Update on protests on campus (06/17/2024)(https://www.tilburguniversity.edu/update-protest-campus)). In the space of dialogue, there are not only voices in favor of severing ties with Israel, but also against it. So, Associate Professor H. Siebers believes that the university should not sever ties with Israeli universities on the wave of emotions, as well as on the basis of the preference of the Palestinian side of the conflict (Siebers H. Keep talking to Israeli universities: it can increase respect for human rights and peace (30.05.2024) (https://universonline.nl/nieuws/2024/05/28/keep-talking-to-israeli-universities-it-can-increase-respect-for-human-rights-and-peace/)). He sees the academic boycott of Israel as an ill-considered idea that does not meet the quality standards that can be expected from academic analysis and decision-making.

At the end of May 2024, the Executive Board of the University published a Statement (Statement by the Executive Board on Discussions with Palestine Solidarity Tilburg (04/22/2024) (https://www.tilburguniversity.edu/update-protest-campus/statement-executive-board-discussions-palestine-solidarity-tilburg)). The document reaffirmed principles such as academic freedom and pluralism of opinions and positions. With regard to international cooperation, it was emphasized that sometimes the university cooperates with academic institutions in countries with "complex" political regimes. When relations between countries and regions deteriorate, academic cooperation and scientific diplomacy can be important tools to maintain an open dialogue about research and values. On this basis, it was recognized that Tilburg University is very reluctant to break off institutional cooperation if there is no clear legal basis or convincing indication from the Government.

The Executive Council of the University decided to create The Advisory Committee on Cooperation, which will assess current and future cooperation. It should be noted that the university participates in two EU-funded projects involving Israeli universities (Bar-Ilan University, Reichman University, the Hebrew University of Jerusalem). The last events within the framework of these partnerships took place in 2021. Currently, the development of new activities has been suspended (Collaborations with Israeli universities and Advisory Committee on Collaborations (05/29/2024) (https://www.tilburguniversity.edu/current/news/more-news/update-collaborations-israeli-universities-and-advisory-committee-collaborations)).

The decision to sever ties with the Bezalel Academy of Art and Design and the Jerusalem School of Visual Theatre was made by the Royal Academy of Arts (KABK) in The Hague due to sufficient doubts as to whether these academies can operate independently of the Israeli government. Until recently, KABK implemented an active exchange program for the period 2017-2019. The decision, announced on May 10, 2024, was the result of a months-long campaign by the KABK Student Union, which included filing a petition on December 5, 2023 and holding a general meeting at the academy on April 25, 2024 (Lawson-Tancred J. Dutch Royal Academy of Art Cuts Ties With Israeli Art Institution Following Student Protests (05/12/2024) (https://news.artnet.com/art-world/dutch-royal-academy-of-art-cuts-ties-with-israeli-school-2485623 )). The petition stated that Israeli students were instructed to sew uniforms for the Israeli military, who are going to Gaza to carry out genocide. KABK's board of Directors has decided to suspend partnerships with institutions that do not oppose a government accused of committing crimes against humanity (Gerrit Rietveld Academie. The Board and Directors shared two letters with students and staff (28.05.2024) (https://rietveldacademie.nl/en/page/29906/the-board-and-directors-shared-two-letters-with-students-and-staff)). At the same time, the student union formulated additional requirements, including that KABK initiate new ties with the Dar al-Kalima Palestinian University in Bethlehem and offer tuition discounts to Palestinian students.

The purpose of the student camp at the University of Amsterdam, which was organized in early June 2024 under the auspices of the Coalition of Students and Staff for Palestine, is to draw attention to the crisis in Gaza and encourage the University's Executive Board to take actions aimed at rejecting investments and severing ties with Israeli institutions (Students put up encampment on campus square (06/04/2024) (https://advalvas.vu.nl/en/campus-culture/students-put-up-encampment-on-campus-square /)). Activists expressed dissatisfaction with the Framework of International cooperation, which was proposed to verify the university's ties with Israeli companies and which did not specify time limits. In May 2024, professors at the University of Amsterdam joined a student strike in protest against the forced cleaning of student camps by the Dutch police and supported calls for severing ties with Israeli universities.

On June 5, 2024, the Netherlands Institute for Advanced Studies in Amsterdam (NIAS-KNAW) announced a number of measures that included a ban on professional travel of its employees to Israel and blocking the acceptance of bilateral funding from the Israeli state or research institutions (Standing up for academic freedoms for all scholars (06/05/2024) (https://nias.knaw.nl/news/nias-and-equal-rights-for-all-scholars /)). NIAS-KNAW justified his decision by his commitment to academic freedoms, including the safe dissemination of knowledge and results. The Institute decided not to make general political statements, but expressed concern about situations in which academic freedoms are under threat, including those that followed the actions of Hamas and scholasticism by Israel. In March 2024, the Safe Haven Scholarship program was extended to all scientists at risk, including those affected by the war in Gaza. The following rules were laid down as the basis for interaction with Israeli institutions and researchers:

• NIAS will not invite officials of the State of Israel, members of Israeli lobbying groups and/or partners to its events;

• NIAS employees will not travel to Israel for work;

• NIAS employees will not participate in events that are organized or sponsored by the State of Israel;

• NIAS will not accept bilateral funding from the State of Israel or from Israeli universities and research institutes (Currently, NIAS does not have such ongoing projects);

• NIAS will not cease its participation in the formal global and European scientific networks in which it participates, and of which the Israel Institute for Advanced Study (IIAS) is a member;

• By remaining a part of such networks, NIAS will adhere to all the above-mentioned political lines;

• NIAS will not refuse to select Israeli scientists for its fellowship programs or for any of its advisory bodies.

The set of these rules forms the institutional position of NIAS in the current situation, which will be relevant until the Royal Netherlands Academy of Arts and Sciences, which is a holding company of NIAS, or the Dutch government formulates a different policy.

6. The position of the universities of Northern Europe regarding the academic boycott of Israel

The universities of the Nordic countries have made decisions both in favor of suspending and in favor of continuing cooperation. The example of Uppsala University in Sweden is the most striking in terms of maintaining cooperation. Recall that in 2022, the university supported the government's call to suspend or terminate institutional agreements with Russian and Belarusian universities, as well as research centers. However, as noted by the activists of "Academics for Palestine Uppsala" F. E. Gohari and A. Raffoul, the protection of democratic values by Uppsala University quickly dissipated in the situation of the current Palestinian-Israeli conflict (Gohary F., Raffoul A. Why does Uppsala University still collaborate with complicit Israeli universities? (25.06.2024) (https://universitetslararen.se/2024/06/25/why-does-uppsala-university-still-collaborate-with-complicit-israeli-universities/)). Following the recommendations of the Palestinian Campaign for an Academic and Cultural Boycott of Israel (PACBI), Academics for Palestine Uppsala demanded that the university investigate, disclose and suspend institutional cooperation with Israeli universities. As F. E. Gohari and A. Rafful note, the objects of this requirement are not individual researchers, but Israeli universities, which are complicit in the violation of international law by the Israeli state. Refusal to cooperate, in their opinion, is not a restriction on academic freedom.

In response to the article by these activists, Vice-Chancellor of the University A. Hagfeldt stressed that Uppsala University distances itself from human rights violations occurring in the Gaza Strip (Hagfeldt A. Reply: “Collaboration is the path that will lead to positive change" (06/28/2024) (https://universitetslararen.se/2024/06/28/reply-collaboration-is-the-path-that-will-lead-to-positive-change/)). At the same time, cooperation remains the fundamental principle of Uppsala University. In his opinion, the analogy with the decision regarding Russia is not appropriate, as it was taken in accordance with the common position of all Swedish universities and the call of the national government. In turn, F. E. Gohari and A. Rafful noted that universities make autonomous decisions regarding their international cooperation. The Swedish government's calls to end the relationship are not the same as a commitment (Fouad El Gohary, Alexandre Raffoul. Final reply: “Academic collaborations must take legal and ethical considerations into account” (2024-07-02 https://universitetslararen.se/2024/07/02/final-reply-academic-collaborations-must-take-legal-and-ethical-considerations-into-account/)). Therefore, in the case of Russia, in their opinion, the university has not realized its autonomy, which problematizes the academic freedom that not only individual researchers, but also universities have.

As in other countries, demands for an academic boycott of Israel are being made in Norway. Steps to suspend ties with Israeli universities, which are regarded as complicit in the Israeli government's war in Gaza, have been taken by the University of OsloMet, the University of Southeastern Norway, the University of Bergen, the Bergen School of Architecture and the University of Nord. The decisions, which are of a heterogeneous nature, were made against the background of a protest movement, one of the initiatives of which was the national petition for an academic boycott of Israel (Opprop for akademisk boikott av Israel (07/29/2024) (https://docs.google.com/forms/d/e/1FAIpQLSd5j39Wf6rd9QEEeH28v9W-ba3tOQ7l0ZmPdCVapG79O7KY1A/viewform)) .

In November 2023, the leadership of the University of Oslo (UiO) rejected a petition signed by more than three hundred employees of the university. It called for an academic boycott of Israel. Despite further pressure from staff and students, the university did not take the appropriate decision, which caused criticism from university staff. In their opinion, Israel is carrying out genocide in Gaza, while Israeli universities support this genocide (CDEBATT: Universitetet i Oslo fortjener en grundigere behandling av akademisk boikott i universitetsstyret (02/27/2024) (https://www.uniforum.uio.no/leserbrev/2024/universitetet-i-oslo-fortjener-en-grundigee-behand.html)). However, after the rector received an appeal signed by 537 students and staff on January 15, 2024, he handed it over to the University Council. The majority of the Council members expressed the opinion that the UiO cooperates with academic institutions in Israel that actively support the genocide. According to the decision, which was adopted on February 13, 2024 at a meeting of the Council, the conclusion of cooperation agreements with Israeli universities should be terminated, and the existing agreement with the University of Haifa suspended (OsloMet puts exchange agreement on hold (02/20/2024)(https://ansatt.oslomet.no/en/sok?p_p_id=com)). The decision clearly expresses the university's position regarding Israel's military actions in the Gaza Strip and OsloMet's actions in this situation, and also emphasizes the importance of protecting academic freedom.

In February 2024, the University of Southeastern Norway (USN) announced the termination of its agreements with the University of Haifa and Hadassah Academic College in Israel (Mangrud R. Avslutter samarbeid med universiteter i Israel. USN sier opp sine samarbeidsavtaler med to israelske universiteter (19.02.2024) (https://www.usn.no/nyhetsarkiv/avslutter-samarbeid-med-universiteter-i-israel)). Cooperation with Haifa included the exchange of nursing students. The agreement with Hadassah provided for professional cooperation and exchange of staff and students associated with the National Center for Vision, Optics and Eye Health. As such, these decisions have no direct consequences for the students, as the exchange with Israel has already been terminated for security reasons. At the same time, it was emphasized that the university does not cease cooperation with Israel at the individual level.

The position of Nord University on the termination of cooperation with Israeli institutions was made public on January 23, 2024 (Vi oppfordrer til umiddelbar humanitær våpenhvile (02/23/2024) (https://www.nord.no/aktuelt/vi-oppfordrer-til-umiddelbar-humanitaer-vapenhvile )). It was about agreements providing for academic exchange with two Israeli universities. In addition, the university participates in a European Union-funded research project with Israeli participants. The decision means the termination of any activity under these agreements and the refusal to conclude new agreements with Israeli universities until further notice.

The decision to terminate the agreement with the Bezalel Academy of Fine Arts in Jerusalem, which works for the Israel Defense Forces, was made by the University of Bergen (UiB) on December 11, 2023 (Flom T. UiB avslutter avtale med israelsk kunstakademi (01/17/2023) (https://kunstavisen.no/artikkel/2024/uib-avslutter-avtale-med-israelsk-kunstakademi#:~:text=Universitetet%20i%20Bergen%20(UiB)%20besluttet,være%20mulig%20å%20søke%20på)). The agreement was aimed at the exchange of educational programs in the field of art and design at the undergraduate and graduate levels at the Faculty of Fine Arts, Music and Design (KMD) at UiB. However, on March 7, 2024, the Board of the University of Bergen refused to impose a general boycott against Israeli universities, but at the same time gave individual faculties the authority to decide on their own boycotts. In light of this, the University's Faculty of Law decided on March 19, 2024, to suspend the academic exchange agreement with Tel Aviv University.

Against this background, the dean of KMD F. took a rather specific position. Thorsen. He did not call the measures taken by this faculty an academic boycott. At the same time, he referred to the statement of Rector M. Hagen, made in the fall of 2023, in which she, in principle, opposed the use of an academic boycott as a tool, because such measures should be introduced against certain countries, as was the case with Russia, only on the basis of a decision by the Norwegian authorities (Hystad J. Et al. Ikke aktuelt med akademisk boikott (10/29/2023) (https://www.khrono.no/ikke-aktuelt-med-akademisk-boikott/819579 )). A similar position is held by the Rector of the University of Southeastern Norway (USN) P. Aasen and the Rector of the University of Oslo (UiO) S. Stelen. From their point of view, maintaining dialogue through joint projects with academic institutions located in such areas is the most effective.

In most cases, pro-Palestinian social movements were dissatisfied with the compromise solutions of these universities. In particular, the Friends of Palestine initiative group at OsloMet considers it important that Norwegian universities and university colleges continue to exert pressure on their Israeli partners. In their opinion, the boycott should take place at the institutional level, and not in the space of cooperation between individuals. For this reason, Norwegian higher education institutions have been requested to suspend research cooperation with Israeli institutions.

A protest organized in Finland by the Students for Palestine movement has engulfed the University of Helsinki. Protesters camped outside the university building demanded that the university sever ties with Israeli universities, including the termination of academic exchange programs and the termination of research cooperation (Helsinki University students' demonstrations in solidarity with Palestine enters second month (01.06 2024) (https://www.helsinkitimes.fi/finland/finland-news/domestic/25289-helsinki-university-students-demonstrations-in-solidarity-with-palestine-enters-second-month.html)). A letter to the university administration, which came from the Students for Palestine – Finland movement and other activist groups, argued that the university had betrayed its stated values.

According to the decision, which expressed deep concern about the humanitarian situation in Gaza, the university management initiated a review of partnerships with Israeli institutions (University Requires Partnerships with Israeli Institutions (05/21/2024) (https://www.miragenews.com/university-requantifies-partnerships-with-1239437 /)). The result was the suspension of bilateral exchange agreements with Israeli universities (Tel Aviv University, Hebrew University of Jerusalem), while maintaining commitment to research ethics and academic freedom. As follows from the rector's statement, freedom of research is so important for the university's activities that in the current circumstances it will not be limited throughout the university (Statement by Rector (05/21/2024)(https://www.helsinki.fi/en/news/higher-education-policy/statement-rector)). The University expressed its willingness to comply with the practice of research ethics and to continue the ethical examination of research cooperation. The Ethics Advisory Council, appointed by the Rector, contributes to the ethical expertise of cooperation. It follows from the university's decision that it does not intend to limit the academic freedom of its researchers to continue cooperation with Israeli colleagues.

Another example of European countries that have suspended or revised their ties with Israel is Ireland. Trinity College Dublin became, in fact, the first European institution to respond to the demands of its students. In turn, student activists emphasize the role of Irish public opinion, which strongly supports Palestine (Ruig P. Academic boycotts claim wins as EU universities start cutting ties with Israel (05/29/2024) (https://euobserver.com/health-and-society/ar5fd8e187 )). After student protests, Trinity College refused to participate in Israeli companies operating in the Occupied Palestinian Territory and blacklisted by the United Nations (Student encampment and blockade at Trinity to end (05/08/2024). (https: //www.tcd.ie/news_events/articles/2024/student-encampment-and-blockade-at-trinity-to-end/)). A special task force has also been set up to consider the sale of assets of other Israeli companies and analyze student exchanges with Israel. In addition, support for the Palestinian scientific and educational sector (University of Galway. Report on the review on links with Israeli and Palestinian institutions and industry (June 2024) (https://www.universityofgalway.ie/media/sanctuary/Final-Report-of-the-Working-Group-to-Review-Links-with-Israeli-and-Palestinian-Institutions-and-Industry-July-2024.pdf)).

Student protests in the UK followed large-scale demonstrations in the United States. Unlike in the USA, the intensity of passions within the student movement here was less intense. As a result, they caused a more restrained reaction from the police. However, students occupied university campuses in Leeds, Newcastle and Bristol to demonstrate solidarity with the Palestinians. In other cities, including London, student activists organized marches and rallies (Pro-Palestine campus occupations spread in UK, as universities warned over Israel ties (05/01/2024) (https://islamchannel.tv/pro-palestine-campus-occupations-spread-as-uk-universities-warned-over-israel-ties/)). Among the demands of the students is the cessation of investments in Israeli universities associated with the Israeli government and the army.

The increased intensity of the protests occurred after the British legal organization, the International Center for Justice for Palestinians (ICJP), warned British universities that they could face prosecution for financial investments in companies that supply weapons to Israel or work in Israeli settlements (82 British universities alerted of potential criminal complexity over Israeli investments (05/01/2024) (https://www.icjpalestine.com/2024/05/01/82-british-universities-alerted-of-potential-criminal-complicity-over-israeli-investments/)). In letters to universities, it was reported that profiting from arms suppliers could be a criminal offense, since weapons could be used to commit war crimes. The protests spread to several leading British universities, including the University of Warwick, the University of Edinburgh, and others, where students called on universities to sever ties with companies involved in the supply or manufacture of weapons used by Israel. At Cambridge University, some faculty members expressed support for the boycott, but at the official level, the university did not approve the academic boycott of Israel. The same applies to the University of Oxford, which, despite the support of its faculty and students for the BDS movement, does not adhere to an institutional boycott policy.

7. The specifics of Germany's position on the anti-Israeli academic boycott

Unlike other European countries, especially Spain and Belgium, German scientific organizations and universities continue to actively maintain research ties with Israel. The expert community has put forward the position that Germany once again finds itself on the "wrong side of history" when it comes to complicity in genocide (Newman M. Academic Institutions in the West Can No Longer Remain Silent on Gaza Israel is targeting Palestinian universities and scholars in Gaza and the West Bank. All academics should speak out (03.03.2024) (https://truthout.org/articles/academic-institutions-in-the-west-can-no-longer-remain-silent-on-gaza/)).

In a statement dated June 11, 2024, the Alliance of German Scientific Organizations representing university rectors, funding agencies and research networks, such as, for example, the Max Planck Society, stated that it strongly rejects calls for a boycott of Israeli researchers and Israeli scientific institutions, and also disapproves of a research boycott of Israel, as such is discriminatory, erroneous and counterproductive (In opposition to a boycott of Israeli science and research Statement (11 June 2024) (https://www.allianz-der-wissenschaftsorganisationen.de/en/topics-statements/gegen-einen-boykott-der-israelischen-wissenschaft/)). It was stated that the member organizations of the Alliance of Scientific Organizations support the provisions formulated in the appeal of the Academy of Natural Sciences and Humanities of Israel (The Council of the Israel Academy of Sciences and Humanities appeals to all academic institutions worldwide to stand firm against manifestations of anti^[1]Semitism and academic boycotts of Israeli science and research (05/20/2024) (https: //www.leopoldina.org/fileadmin/redaktion/Presse/Nachrichten/2024_Letter_from_the_Israel_Academy_of_Sciences_and_Humanities_20.5.2024_web.pdf)) , and will continue to promote scientific exchange and continued cooperation with colleagues from Israeli research institutes, including seeking to contribute to the de-escalation of the most difficult situation in the Middle East.

As in other European countries, pro-Palestinian student protest camps have sprung up on German campuses, including at the Free University. In early May 2024, the police cleared the protest camp, which provoked a reaction from university researchers in the form of an open letter defending the right of students to protest and gather (Statement von Lehrenden an Berliner Universitäten (05/03/2024) (https://docs.google.com/forms/d/e/1FAIpQLSfVy2D5Xy_DMiaMx2TsE7YediR6qifxoLDP1zIjKzEl9t1LWw/viewform)). Although the letter expressed regret over the humanitarian situation in Gaza, the signatories explicitly supported only the students' right to protest, but not the protest demands themselves. In this regard, the scientists expressed their disapproval of the decision of the Executive Council of this institution regarding the forced evacuation of the protest camp without making a preliminary proposal for negotiations.

This letter displeased the German Minister of Education and Scientific Research, B. Stark-Watzinger, who accused the protesters of hating Israel and Jews, called it "stunning" and even questioned whether the signatories were acting in a constitutional manner (Erklärung von Bundesministerin Bettina Stark-Watzinger: Bitte um Versetzung in den einstweiligen Ruhestand von Staatssekretärin Prof. Dr. Sabine Döring (06/16/2024) (https://www.bmbf.de/bmbf/shareddocs/pressemitteilungen/de/2024/06/160624_StD.html )). German media reported that the Federal Ministry of Education (BMBF) was interested in the question of whether it could deprive the persons who signed the letter of funding (Als Reaktion auf Kritik: Bildungsministerium wollte Fördermittel streichen (06/11/2024)(https://www.ndr.de/fernsehen/sendungen/panorama/Als-Reaktion-auf-Kritik-Bildungsministerium-wollte-Foerdermittel-streichen-,watzinger102.html)). During the verification process, the Ministry of Education and Scientific Research intended to find out whether the open letter contained incitement or whether its content still fell under freedom of expression.

Despite the fact that the Ministry eventually came to the conclusion that there were no grounds for punishing the signatories, the very fact of such an attempt to verify shocked the academic community. V. Rosenthal, president of the Conference of Rectors of German Universities, expressed himself as follows: "Linking the expression of an opinion that is not subject to criminal prosecution with the issue of preserving the right of academic to work for funding would be a violation of academic freedom. It is good that there was clearly a critical internal dialogue within the BMBF about this strange initiative and, accordingly, clear warnings" (Stellungnahme des HRK-Präsidenten zum aktuellen NDR-Bericht über das BMBF (06/11/2024) (https://www.hrk.de/presse/pressemitteilungen/pressemitteilung/meldung/stellungnahme-des-hrk-praesidenten-zum-aktuellen-ndr-bericht-ueber-das-bmbf-5061/).

The scandal with academic freedom in Germany has affected S. Dering, a high-ranking official of the BMBF. On June 11, 2024, S. Dering responded with a public statement confirming that the Ministry had conducted an internal audit (Statement von Staatssekretärin Prof. Dr. Sabine Döring zur rechtlichen Prüfung des offenen Briefs von Berliner Lehrenden:(11.06.2024) (https://x.com/BMBF_Bund/status/1800537031698993394)). On June 15, 2024, it was announced that S. Dering was to resign due to the fact that she created the "impression" that the ministry hoped to find out whether it had grounds to cut grant funding for those who signed an open letter in support of the camp at the Free University of Berlin (Erklärung von Bundesministerin Bettina Stark-Watzinger: Bitte um Versetzung in den einstweiligen Ruhestand von Staatssekretärin Prof. Dr. Sabine Döring (06/16/2024) (https://www.bmbf.de/bmbf/shareddocs/pressemitteilungen/de/2024/06/160624_StD.html )). However, the role of B. Stark-Watzinger in initiating the funding review remains unclear, given that she led the public attacks on the signatories of the open letter. According to D. Matthews, after the dismissal of S. Dering due to protests about the threat to academic freedom, the future of the Minister of Science "hangs in the balance" (Matthews D. German research organizations criticize 'discriminatory' Israel boycotts (06/13/2024) (https://sciencebusiness.net/news/universities/german-science-official-steps-down-row-about-pro-palestine-protest)). Indeed, Member of Parliament T. Yarzombek, a representative of the opposition Christian Democratic Union, called for the resignation of B. Stark-Watzinger.

Meanwhile, Germany, despite the suspension of arms exports, continues to support Israel, officially expressing disagreement with the fact that in the statement of the ICC Prosecutor on the application for arrest warrants in connection with the situation in the State of Palestine (Statement of ICC Prosecutor Karim A.A. Khan KC: Applications for arrest warrants in the situation in the State of Palestine (20.05/2024) (https://www.icc-cpi.int/news/statement-icc-prosecutor-karim-aa-khan-kc-applications-arrest-warrants-situation-state)) there is an "incorrect" conclusion about the equivalence between Hamas and Israeli political leaders (Federal Foreign Office on the application for arrest warrants at the International Criminal Court (05/20/2024) (https://www.auswaertiges-amt.de/en/newsroom/news/-/2657664 )). Thus, Germany, which, as you know, has recently been very wary of academic cooperation, for example, with China, can be considered, not without reason, as the most consistent opponent of any restrictions on cooperation with Israel.

8. The impact of the current academic boycott on the Israeli academic sector

It follows from the previous statement that the academic boycott of Israel is internally differentiated and, in principle, does not imply complete "ostracism". However, the measures taken turned out to be quite enough for the Israeli academic community and its individual representatives to feel the changes in the atmosphere of international academic cooperation. Sometimes such changes are perceived in a very painful form, which finds expression in emotional stress, anxiety and a sense of isolation. However, Iranian scientists experienced this kind of frustration at the time during the introduction of scientific sanctions in 2011-2014 and 2018-2021. A similar frustration was characteristic of Russian scientists, the implementation of whose creative plans suffered as a result of the "tsunami" of scientific sanctions imposed in 2022. Therefore, there is no doubt about the reliability of information that Israeli institutions are in a state of panic due to the prospect of academic boycotts (Essa A. Indian universities build closer ties with Israeli colleges and arms firms despite Gaza war (07/08/2024) (https://www.middleeasteye.net/news/war-on-gaza-india-universities-build-closer-ties-israel-colleges)). According to Israeli media reports, the country's scientists faced an unprecedented global boycott, when in some cases invitations to conferences were canceled, foreign lectures were disrupted, and scientific articles were rejected for political reasons (Israel Academia Monitor. Israeli Academics Are Facing Boycotts (06.04.2024) (https://www.israel-academia-monitor.com/stories/2024/06/israeli-academics-facing-boycotts)), (I Won't Work With You. You're Committing Genocide': Israeli Academia Faces an Unprecedented Global Boycott (12.04.2024) (https://www.haaretz.com/israel-news/2024-04-12/)).

It should be noted that such restrictions have a different character. In one case, this may be a consequence of institutional scientific sanctions, expressed in the official suspension or rupture of relations not only by academic associations, which took place earlier, but also by foreign universities. In another, it is an informal (hidden) boycott of Israeli scientists, undertaken on their own initiative by individual foreign researchers, conference organizing committees and editorial offices of scientific journals. As a result, this led to a cumulative effect that the Israeli Academy had not previously encountered.

According to a survey conducted by the Israel Young Academy and the Forum of Women University Professors (AFIK) in 2024, the academic boycott of 2023-2024 had a significant impact on Israeli researchers (Survey on the Impact of the 2023 War and Academic Boycott on Israeli Researchers. Israel Young Academy and AFIK, 2024. https://young.academy.ac.il/SystemFiles/IYA_Academic%20staff%20war%20survey%2022%20Jan%202024.pdf)). The survey, which involved over 1,000 respondents, showed that 32% of respondents suffered significant or very significant damage to their international relations; 41% reported a decrease in their ability to recruit international students; 15% of scientists indicated that their ability to receive funding from international organizations was significantly or very significantly reduced; 26% felt that their ability to present research at international conferences was hampered; 27% of respondents experienced work disruptions due to the fact that members of the research group left Israel after the war; 64% reported a decrease in the number of visits from colleagues from abroad. In addition, 19% of scientists stated that their ability to receive invitations to sabbatical at academic institutions abroad was undermined; 18% indicated damage in international cooperation; 11% believed that this negatively affected their ability to receive important recommendations from foreign professors for promotion.

It should be noted that in scientific research on academic boycotts and sanctions, much attention is paid not only to the analysis of the causes, forms and consequences of these phenomena, but also to specific examples from the life of certain researchers. The fact is that boycotts and sanctions affect not only institutions and the academic sector as a whole, but also the plans and fate of individual researchers. Therefore, it is important to form a picture of the subjective dimension of the phenomena under study, including subjective experiences and assessments. Here are the following examples. In February 2024, G. Hirschberger, a social psychologist at the Reichmann University in Herzliya, received an invitation to speak as a keynote speaker at a conference in Oslo, which will be held in October 2024 by the Norwegian organization dealing with collective trauma (Kashti O. 'I Won't Work With You. You're Committing Genocide': Israeli Academia Faces an Unprecedented Global Boycott (12.04.2024) ( https://www.haaretz.com/israel-news/2024-04-12/)). However, later on, Mr. Hirschberger was made to understand that he was not really expected at the conference.

Israeli microbiologists O. Koren and M. Yassour participated in a meeting with Belgian scientists in May 2024 with the aim of forming a research partnership based on the development of a memorandum of understanding. However, later an e-mail arrived informing that it was impossible to initiate the development of a memorandum in the context of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict (Newman M., Bronner E., Lorin J. Israeli Scientists Are Shunned by Universities Over the Gaza War (06/13/2024)(https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2024-06-13/israeli-scientists-are-shunned-by-universities-over-the-gaza-war)). The idea was rejected, which was another example of a growing academic boycott.

Israeli Professor A. Peer from Bar-Ilan University gave a lecture on "black" holes at the international conference on astrophysics at the University of Nevada in Las Vegas. Just fifteen minutes after the lecture began, a group of students interrupted him and began shouting, calling him a supporter of genocide. The university police came to the lecture hall. However, instead of removing the protesting students, she announced the cancellation of the event (Starr M. UNLV police end Israeli professor's black holes lecture after protest (08/28/2024) (https://www.jpost.com/breaking-news/article-789486 ). An e–mail was received from the rector of the University, A. Peeru, in which the rector noted that "the protection of freedom of speech and academic freedom is something I take very seriously. We will not tolerate any form of prejudice, discrimination, threatening behavior, harassment, bullying or intimidation of members of our university community" (Cit on. Newman M., Bronner E., Lorin J. Israeli Scientists Are Shunned by Universities Over the Gaza War (13.06.2024)(https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2024-06-13/israeli-scientists-are-shunned-by-universities-over-the-gaza-war)). In fact, these phrases were an excuse to cancel the event.

A significant contribution to the development of the research area under consideration was made by Sh. Farber, who, using a qualitative approach to study the life experience of individual Israeli scientists, reconstructed the picture of the hidden boycott they faced ^{[47, p. 9-13]}. The result of his research was an expansion of ideas about the depth and intensity, as well as the immediate and long-term consequences of the current stage of the academic boycott of Israel.

Many actions that relate to a hidden boycott, and even more so their consequences, are well known in world practice. However, in the case of Israeli researchers, who are very intensively integrated into international relations, there are variable characteristics caused by the specifics of the current academic boycott, which, of course, introduces new aspects to the phenomenon of academic boycotts. An open boycott, accompanied in some cases by academic sanctions, is complemented by a hidden boycott. One of the manifestations of the latter is discrimination based on the criterion of nationality.

In the field of publication activity, unequivocal refusals to publish without any explanation were combined with unconvincing pretexts and inexplicable refusals to reject the work, as well as subtle hints about the Israeli identity of the authors. As a result, there is an "elusive" form of discrimination in the academic environment. In the continuation of this, refusals of invitations to conferences were recorded, as well as the curtailment of scientific communication in the field of international research cooperation due to Israeli affiliation. To the greatest extent, this affected the social and humanitarian sciences. This is especially true for those areas of research in which the Palestinian-Israeli conflict is studied and discussed.

There are several consequences of a biased attitude. Firstly, from a psychological point of view, Israeli scientists have feelings of hopelessness, isolation, insecurity and disappointment. It seems that such an emotional background is unlikely to favor scientific achievements. Secondly, in a situation of ambiguity and understatement, lack of support from some foreign colleagues, as well as suspension of the development, implementation of projects or initiation of evaluation procedures, there is uncertainty about the prospects of an individual academic career, as well as in the sustainability of research activities. This is due to reduced access to financial and information resources, as well as to communication channels. The negative consequences also include the possibility of reducing the degree of involvement of young personnel in academic activities.

The new round of boycott of the Israeli academic sphere caused, as before, not only the reaction of the Israeli academic community and its representatives, but also government circles. In particular, the report of the Israeli Ministry of Intelligence, published in April 2024, contained a forecast regarding the consequences of Israel's isolation (Matthews D. Academic boycotts over Gaza war jeopardize Israel's place in Horizon Europe (May 23, 2024) (https://sciencebusiness.net/news/universities/academic-boycotts-over-gaza-war-jeopardise-israels-place-horizon-europe)). It pointed out that an academic boycott could jeopardize Israel's scientific and technological standing in the world and, in the long term, damage national security and the sustainability of the Israeli economy. The report also highlights that the boycott could prevent Israeli scientists from joining research consortia within Horizon Europe.

The Israeli Government, responding to the increasing calls for a boycott amid reports that Israeli scientists have begun to feel its effects, has embarked on the path of developing measures aimed at countering the country's isolation in the field of scientific research. In order to counteract the unfavorable scenario, the task was formulated to implement measures aimed at challenging global academic isolation. G. Gamliel, Minister of Innovation, Science and Technology of Israel, announced that 22 million euros would be allocated to combat the boycott while increasing efforts to combat anti-Semitism. The Government's goal is to ensure that Israeli researchers are treated equally in the international scientific community (Gamliel G. (05/26/2024) (https://x.com/GilaGamliel/status/1794715725082587581 )). The Minister of Science held emergency talks with scientific leaders of national universities and research centers on how to maintain scientific ties with Europe. G. Gamliel drew media attention to the fact that the Israeli government is developing new incentives to encourage the arrival of scientists in Israel (Gamliel G. (05/09/2024) (https://x.com/GilaGamliel/status/1788593584553205800 )). The Israeli Ministry of Finance has approved a plan to allocate 700 million shekels ($189 million) over the next seven years to attract the best academic talent to the country. In addition, Israel is stepping up cooperation with countries that have adopted a neutral position towards Israel. This is not only India, but also Guatemala, with which a declaration of cooperation was signed (Gamliel G. (05/17/2024) (https://x.com/GilaGamliel/status/1791377541611077692 )). One of the goals of the declaration is to strengthen the country's external scientific relations in the face of European boycotts.

Following the scientific sanctions against Russia, the anti-Israeli academic boycott has sparked a new wave of debate about academic freedom, scientific diplomacy and the paradigm of open science. This is largely due to the fact that international cooperation is critically important in a number of areas, especially in relation to solving global problems of our time.

The assessment of the academic boycott by representatives of the Israeli Academy is quite negative. These boycotts, according to M. Elbaum, a microbiology specialist from the Weizmann Institute of Science, complicate existing cooperation between people (Sit. on Matthews D. Academic boycotts over Gaza war jeopardise Israel's place in Horizon Europe (05/23/2024) (https://sciencebusiness.net/news/universities/academic-boycotts-over-gaza-war-jeopardise-israels-place-horizon-europe)). T. Schiffer, Rector The Hebrew University of Jerusalem (HUJI), compared the threat of a boycott to a "tsunami" (Cit. on Israeli universities brace for growing threat of boycotts (07/06/2024) (https://www.lemonde .fr/en/international/article/2024/06/07/israeli-universities-brace-for-growing-threat-of-boycotts_6674077_4.html)). In addition, he pointed to a significant number of academic relationships that have been suspended or even severed. However, in his opinion, the boycott harms not only Israel, but also science, which relies on global cooperation. In particular, such cooperation is necessary for medical and engineering sciences.

Adhering to a similar position, the president of the Israeli Academy of Sciences and Humanities, D. Harel, made an attempt to convince colleagues abroad that world science as a whole would suffer from the boycott. Following this, the Association of Heads of Universities in Israel sent a letter to the European Commission, in which it argued that academic boycotts, expressed, in particular, in the possible exclusion of Israel from Horizon Europe projects, may violate EU law. The practice of exclusions, having a deterrent effect on academic freedom, as well as on fair and equitable competition for EU funding, is, in their opinion, illegal (Newman M., Bronner E., Lorin J. Israeli Scientists Are Shunned by Universities Over the Gaza War (06/13/2024)(https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2024-06-13/israeli-scientists-are-shunned-by-universities-over-the-gaza-war)). As one of the arguments, they point to the narrowing of the boundaries of global knowledge due to the difficulties encountered in realizing Israel's impressive scientific potential.

In its appeal, the Israeli Academy of Natural Sciences and Humanities called on universities and research institutes around the world to abandon the use of academic boycotts as a tool for geopolitical disputes (The Council of the Israel Academy of Sciences and Humanities appeals to all academic institutions worldwide to stand firm against manifestations of antiSemitism and academic boycotts of Israeli science and research (05/20/2024) (https://www.leopoldina.org/fileadmin/redaktion/Presse/Nachrichten/2024_Letter_from_the_Israel_Academy_of_Sciences_and_Humanities_20.5.2024_web.pdf)). Academic boycotts have been characterized as a direct attack on the universal values of academic freedom, cooperation, and freedom of thought and expression. The Academy called on the Israeli Government to take decisive measures to protect the academic sphere, on which the prospects for national development largely depend. At the same time, the Government was called upon to stop activities that undermine the independence of scientific research, as well as the freedom of academic and cultural institutions. In principle, the Academy's appeal is among a number of measures against boycotts that have been taken before. Their essence is to refute the validity of boycotts and academic sanctions.

An Open Letter against boycotts follows in a similar vein (Faculty Open Letter. An academic boycott against Israel is selective, unfair, and counterproductive. https://www.unitedagainstacademicboycott.com /)), which indicates that Israeli universities not only cooperate with the army, but are also an integral part of civil society, contributing to the critical study and rethinking of government policy. The authors of the letter point out that every year universities accept tens of thousands of Palestinian and Arab students, implementing a wide range of diversity and inclusivity programs. Therefore, the latter will also become victims of a total boycott of Israeli universities. In this regard, the letter contains an approach according to which the response to cruelty and tragedy should not be a discriminatory termination of academic exchange or severing ties between researchers and students from different countries, but rather an expansion of efforts to strengthen these ties and create new ones. Thus, concerns have been raised about the long-term impact of the boycott on global academic discourse and future prospects for international cooperation.

The war in Gaza has led to deep divisions in Israeli universities. This is due to the fact that in a number of Israeli universities, staff and students are Israeli citizens of Palestinian origin. Therefore, it is quite obvious that they have taken a special position with regard to the current Palestinian-Israeli conflict (Northam J. The war in Gaza is leading to deep divisions at Israeli universities (30.01.2024) (https://www.npr.org/2024/01/30/1226618464/israel-universities-gaza-war-arab-students)). This led to a deformation of the previously existing balance of positions, on which the unity of the university community is based. In particular, N. Shalhoub-Kevorkian, who is an Israeli professor of Palestinian descent, was the first to enter the debate about the war in Gaza, joining scientists around the world and signing a letter calling for a cease-fire. In it, Israel's attack on the territory of Gaza was called genocide. In response, the university management called on her to resign (A Palestinian Professor Spoke Out Against the Gaza War. Israel Detained Her (12.06.2024) (https://www.nytimes.com/2024/06/12/world/middleeast/palestinian-professor-israel-gaza-war.html)). However, in addition to disagreements, there is a consolidation and development of additional recommendations on countering boycotts (Gerstenfeld M. How to fight the academic boycott more effectively (01.12.2024) https://www.jpost.com/opinion/how-to-fight-the-academic-boycott-more-effectively-383362)).

The recommendations are based on the understanding that the anti–Israel boycott not only leads to negative consequences for the individual career of researchers and for the prospects for the development of the Israeli academic sector, but also threatens the core values of the academic community on a global scale, including the free exchange of ideas, diversity and inclusivity. The measures being developed involve actions aimed at supporting Israeli scientists, as well as promoting academic freedom.

In particular, Sh. Farber proposed an impressive list of measures aimed at supporting international cooperation and developing individual strategies to combat specific forms of discrimination and covert boycott ^{[47, p. 16-17]}. Among those:

- Raising awareness and conducting dialogues on the consequences of academic boycotts at the level of seminars, conferences and publications;

- Develop clear policies and guidelines in academic institutions and professional organizations to support researchers facing discrimination;

- Affirmation of the importance of academic freedom, diversity and inclusivity;

- Review existing practices in the field of academic publications, conference organization and research collaboration in order to strengthen transparent merit-based systems that can withstand political pressure;

- development of strategies to enable individual researchers to overcome potential bias, as well as the formation of various collaborative networks focused on universally attractive research topics and involving participation in open scientific practices;

- directing investments into programs and projects that promote dialogue between researchers from different walks of life based on virtual collaboration platforms;

- Consideration of the possibility of creating grant programs to support international collaborations involving researchers from countries affected by academic boycotts, which will promote scientific diplomacy and intercultural understanding.

In our opinion, the preservation and maintenance of academic relations with Russia should be highlighted as one of the areas of response to unprecedented, although not as critical as it might seem at first glance, complications in international academic cooperation with the participation of Israel. For its part, Russia, which has become a target state of academic sanctions from the countries of the collective West, is also interested in continuing academic cooperation with Israel, which is characterized by a high level of innovative development ^{[64; 65, pp. 21-45]}, as well as an effective R&D sector. The prerequisite for the development of bilateral relations, including in the military-technical sphere, is that Israel retains its role as an important partner of Russia in the Middle East (Simonova A. Russia – Israel: vector of strategic partnership (06.062019) (https://russiancouncil.ru/blogs/digest/rossiya-izrail-vektor-strategicheskogo-partnerstva /)), who did not join the anti-Russian sanctions, including in the academic sphere. In turn, Russia is not one of the countries whose universities and research centers have announced their revision of academic ties with Israel or the suspension of relevant agreements. As a result, in 2022-2024, cooperation continues in various fields of STI (biomedicine, ICT, energy, agriculture, etc.) and develops the successes achieved earlier ^{[66; 67; 65, pp. 46-60]}. The cooperation is based on the provisions of intergovernmental agreements (Agreement between the Government of the Russian Federation and the Government of the State of Israel on Scientific and Technical Cooperation (Moscow, April 25, 1994) (https://docs.cntd.ru/document/901778478 )), (Agreement between the Government of the Russian Federation and the Government of the State of Israel on scientific and technical cooperation in the field of industrial research and development (Moscow, March 22, 2010) (https://docs.cntd.ru/document/902240032 )) and program documents (The Program of cooperation between the Government of the Russian Federation and the Government of the State of Israel in the field of education, science and youth policy for 2020-2023; the Russian-Israeli program for cooperation in the field of industrial research and development (2016-2020)). According to statistics, there are 72 documents on cooperation between 53 universities and scientific organizations in Russia and 40 organizations in Israel (Russia and Israel will continue cooperation in the field of education, science and youth policy (12/24/2020) (https://minobrnauki.gov.ru/press-center/news/mezhdunarodnoe-sotrudnichestvo/27140 /)). Both Russia and Israel are equally interested in realizing the full potential of these agreements, especially given the current situation.

Of course, in the context of geopolitical turbulence, Israeli-Russian relations are going through a difficult period. For example, within the framework of the UN Security Council, Russia spoke in favor of imposing sanctions on Israel because of its failure to comply with UN Security Council Resolution No. 2728, demanding a cease-fire in the Gaza Strip during Ramadan. Despite this, the leaders of the two countries continue to conduct a political dialogue. Cooperation also continues at the level of foreign policy departments, national security councils, ministries of defense, etc. According to the Russian position, a transition to a comprehensive Palestinian-Israeli settlement is necessary, as well as preventing the escalation of the military confrontation with Lebanon. It seems that the preservation and development of academic, as well as economic ties, serves as one of the prerequisites for maintaining a bilateral political dialogue between the two countries. The opposite is also true.

Conclusion

Summing up the results of the conducted research, we formulate the following conclusions.

Firstly, there is every reason to believe that in 2023-2024 the academic boycott of Israel acquired qualitatively new features. Their essence lies in the fact that the instruments of isolation of the Israeli academic sector in the space of international relations have become measures aimed at suspending or breaking institutional relations, the basis of which are cooperation agreements between Israeli and foreign universities and research centers in the academic field. Accordingly, from a formal point of view, it is a question of suspending existing agreements until further notice, or of unilaterally rejecting them. As the study showed, in most cases there is a suspension, whereas a break in a relationship is quite rare. Measures aimed at suspending or severing ties constitute academic sanctions. A similar algorithm was applied to Russia in 2022.

Secondly, the specificity of the Israeli situation lies in the fact that the suspension procedure did not cover bilateral intergovernmental agreements concluded between the Government of Israel and Governments of foreign countries, but bilateral agreements between foreign universities and universities in Israel. In the case under consideration, foreign universities have fully implemented the principle of autonomy and academic freedom against the background of the absence of official calls for suspension or severance of ties. On the contrary, in some cases, the official authorities of various countries were dissatisfied with the decisions taken by universities. In the situation with Russia, foreign universities and research centers, as well as scientific associations, fully followed the course of their governments, which called into question their autonomy.

Thirdly, as in the Russian situation of academic sanctions, in the case of Israel, the implementation of some joint projects was curtailed, and the implementation of other projects was continued. However, with regard to the limitations of cooperation with the Israeli academic sector, in addition to radical measures, quite compromise solutions were implemented, which involved launching a procedure for evaluating current and planned projects, as well as making the transition to a model of prudent cooperation.

Fourthly, as in the case of Russia, not only unilateral restrictive measures emanating from specific universities were taken, but also measures that were proposed by university associations. In the case of anti-Russian sanctions and the anti-Israeli boycott, similar patterns are being implemented: the negative consequences affect all participants in international cooperation. The negative effects of the anti-Israeli boycott include increased tension in the Western academic community due to a sharp divergence of positions on the events and ways to respond to them. A similar situation can be seen in the Israeli academic community.

Fifth, the specificity of the Israeli situation lies in the fact that restrictive measures were often taken under pressure from intensified anti-Israeli protests, which were well organized and uncompromising in nature, but the decision-making itself was stretched over time. In comparison, academic sanctions against Russia were imposed almost at lightning speed, and the debate about their validity unfolded after the fact.

The powerful pressure on the administration of foreign universities to "abandon" Israel has led to a certain deformation of the discourse. In particular, the content of the term "gap" has expanded. As a result, the suspension of bilateral agreements between universities has been presented as a rupture. It seems that such a trick by the administrations of universities in the United States and European countries is caused by the desire to "lull" the vigilance of various protest movements.

Sixth, due to the compromise nature of the decisions to limit academic ties with Israel, as well as the absence – in most cases – of a radical break, the consequences of the measures taken are unlikely to cause significant damage to the Israeli academic sector and Israel's participation in relevant sectoral international cooperation. Therefore, the subjective experiences of a catastrophic nature that arise among representatives of the Israeli Academy in the context of a truly unprecedented academic boycott against this country by historical standards are quite exaggerated. This can be justified by the fact that the existing institutional constraints do not deny the continuation of cooperation at the interpersonal level.

Seventh, the current boycott will undoubtedly cause certain difficulties in the functioning of the Israeli academic sector. However, Israel has a well-tested set of tools to resist the boycott, especially since economic sanctions have not been imposed on Israel, the negative consequences of which, as a rule, make themselves felt in the academic sector. In modern conditions, the toolkit will be expanded. This will also minimize the negative consequences for global science.