Assessment of Li Hongzhang's foreign policy from the point of view of the modern political system of the People's Republic of China

Ivanov Pavel Aleksandrovich ORCID: 0000-0003-0247-7606 Lecturer; Department of General History, Philosophy and Cultural Studies; Blagoveshchensk State Pedagogical University 104 Lenin Street, Blagoveshchensk, Amur region, 675004, Russia ip_27.95@bk.ru

A characteristic feature of China's political system until the 1970s was its isolation and isolation. In the future, thanks to the desire of the authorities to show openness in cooperation with external partners, the country was able to achieve the high level of development at which it is today. A similar trend was observed until the formation of the People's Republic of China in 1949. But since the second half of the 19th century, the state, which was once lagging behind the trends of world development, cautiously decided to start cooperating with the leading countries of the West. However, the interaction was characterized by unilateral concessions from the government, which led to dissatisfaction and a revision of the vector of development of international relations in the future.

The period of the second half of the 19th century was marked for the Qing Dynasty by a time of significant pressure from foreign "partners", which forced the transformation of plans for foreign policy strategy. Increased foreign interference, characterized, among other things, by a number of military clashes, has led to the loss of China's status and sovereignty in the eyes of stronger powers.

The opium wars played a decisive role in setting the direction of foreign policy. The disagreements on international trade that arose between China and the British Empire, which led to the military clash of 1839-1842, led to the desire of Europeans to sell opium to civilians. The first Opium War presented itself as a result of the Chinese government's decision to prohibit such actions by the East India Company to equalize the trade deficit in this way. The result of the imposition of the struggle was disappointing: the terms of the Nanjing Treaty, signed in 1842, marked the victory of the British Empire, opening 5 ports for it, including Canton, Shanghai and Guangzhou. Hong Kong also came under British sovereignty. In China, the Nanjing Agreement was considered as the first of the unequal agreements that the Qing power was forced to conclude with foreign powers ^{[1, p. 132]}.

The results of the second opium War continued this trend. The conflict with the British Empire and France drew a line under the status of China. The Second Opium War (1856-1860) led to an even greater tightening of Western control over the Chinese economy. The terms of the Tianjin Treaty strengthened external control over China, facilitating the development of foreign commercial activities in the country without restrictions. Under the terms of the Beijing Treaty, the Qing government was forced to open ports to foreign traders, and Tianjin became a place of foreign trade.

The main essence of the signed conventions was as follows: "The Chinese government undertakes to pay an indemnity in the amount of 8 million liang, the Chinese can be used as labor by the Western powers, the United Kingdom receives the southern part of the Jiulong Peninsula. Also in 1860, the Beijing Treaty with Russia was concluded, which established the borders between the empires" ^{[2, p. 56]}. As a result, the conditions accepted by the Chinese side led to the fact that the country became completely open to foreign penetration.

In total, for the period from 1842-1860. China has signed 7 treaties, including documents establishing the terms of international trade and the country's status in relations with France, Russia and the United States. In the future, the weakening of foreign policy was consolidated by internal instability within China.

In response to "external challenges", the country's domestic political course was marked by attempts at modernization and reforms. The "self-strengthening" program launched by political leaders, including Li Hongzhang, was aimed at modernizing domestic production and foreign trade. However, later procrastination and "gentleness", combined with the prevailing personal interests in solving state tasks, were unable to resist external pressure.

Establishing the purpose of the study, it should be noted the following: the political system of the People's Republic of China at the present stage is characterized by a unique combination of its own ideological base with elements of a market economy. Collectively, this is expressed by the presence of a pragmatic approach in establishing the role and mechanisms of conducting foreign policy. Thus, there is an interest in studying the activity of the People's Republic of China from the last quarter of the XX century to the present day. Such a vector of development is not new for China. Given the nature and purpose of the country's external cooperation in different eras, some elements of a similar strategy can be found in the study of the foreign policy of the Qing Dynasty since the end of the XIX century.

Based on the above, the most relevant phenomenon, from the point of view of analysis and comparison, will be China's foreign policy of the late 19th century, in which, as at the present stage, specific personalities play a fundamental role. In this case, the study of the foreign policy components of the development of imperial China is directly related to the study of one of the most important figures on the world stage of those years – Li Hongzhang. The analysis of the political role and influence of the object of study from the point of view of modern Chinese political realities is an interesting and relevant study that will allow not only to better understand the historical roots of modern Chinese diplomacy, but also to identify continuity and changes in the strategic thinking of Chinese leaders in the last quarter of the XX – early XXI centuries.

Consequently, the historical analysis of China's foreign policy in the second half of the 19th century through the study of a specific politician makes it possible to set the goal of the article to contribute to the understanding of the evolutionary processes of Chinese diplomacy at the present stage of its development.

To date, interest in the personality of Li Hongzhang as the most important state dignitary continues to grow. At this stage, a balanced approach is being taken to assess its role, taking into account historical nuances.

Studying the efforts of a politician who acted as an official representative of the empire allows us to consider the formation of a special status of the country in the system of relations with the leading countries of the West. A comparison of approaches and methods of conducting foreign policy makes it possible to identify priorities for their implementation with the policies of Lee and the elite of the last generations of CPC leaders.

Summarizing the data obtained and studied allows us to formulate conclusions about the importance of the contribution of one of the iconic figures in the history of China for the modern state system, which is reflected in building a dialogue with Western states and obtaining a special status in their region. The analysis of Li's activities in the context of his historical contribution can be reinterpreted to understand, establish and solve the political problems of modern China.

One of the leading statesmen of the late Qing Empire, Li Hongzhang, played a key role in shaping China's foreign policy at the end of the 19th century. His actions and decisions had a significant impact on building the international status of the empire. The analysis of the main aspects of his foreign policy activities is contrasted with the modern political system of the People's Republic of China in the late XX – early XXI centuries.

Li Hongzhang was born in 1823 and grew up in a traditional official family. He began his classical bureaucratic career in Beijing in 1844. In 1847, the future politician entered the upper layers of the state bureaucracy and two years later became a member and teacher of the oldest Hanlin Academy. The rapid career growth was not a coincidence: the government was interested in managerial personnel for such a large territory and population ^{[3, p. 23]}.

The outbreak of the Taiping rebellion puts an end to the career of a teacher and begins a new chapter in the career of a young dignitary. Applied education helps him in this, which included various fields of activity (including military).

The main milestones of the Qing dignitary's career fall on the period 1852-1901. Li's participation in China's foreign policy program is related to carrying out a diplomatic mission as the country's official representative in the international arena. His strategy was to minimize foreign interference and, if possible, protect Chinese interests.

In 1852, the head of the Ministry of War, Zeng Guofan, became commander of the newly formed Hunan (Xiang) Army. Since 1958, the main force in the fight against the rebels has linked Li's fate with Zeng, making him a new disciple of the commander. After preparing for future activities, he took part in counter-revolutionary operations.

Li Hongzhang quickly earned a reputation as a promising military leader and increased the degree of trust on the part of Chen. This allowed him to obtain the post of daotai of the province of Funjian in 1859 and gave him the opportunity to establish his own military group, the Anhui (Huai) Army.

In addition to victories on the fronts, the commanders-in-chief of the two armies successfully modernized their own industrial base. These steps indicate a desire to pursue a policy of protectionism and cope with shocks on their own. So, since the beginning of the 1860s, guns and shells from artillery arsenals began to arrive for the needs of the armies, and a large arsenal was founded in Suzhou. In addition to creating his own base, Li successfully nationalized the largest foreign mechanical plants in Shanghai ^{[12, p. 88]}.

The successes of the new commander did not go unnoticed. For his services to the court and the capture of the capital "Taiping Tiango", he was awarded the title of count and retained the leadership of the Huai army, as well as became the governor of Hubei and Hunan provinces. However, the final concentration of power in the hands of the dignitary occurred after 1870 during the tragic events in Tianjin. As governor of Zhili (by this time the capital province), he controlled the foreign trade of all of Northern China and Manchuria, continuing to manage a set of arsenals and factories in Jiangsu and an arsenal in Tianjin. Consolidating Li's power, the newly acquired Bayan Fleet was added to the Huai Army.

As a result, the circle of influence of the dignitary has become incomparably wider than his official powers. All the acquired privileges allowed him to obtain the necessary control levers, become a representative of the Qing dynasty in the international arena and solve the country's foreign policy issues ^{[3, p. 25]}.

The uprisings of the Taiping (1850-1864), Nianjun (1852-1868) and the anti-European uprising of the Yihetuan (1899-1901), as one of the largest uprisings in the country's history, were aimed at suppressing the central government, creating their own autonomous state, fighting against Western imperialism and became a step towards the loss of control of the central government over the provinces.

From the experience of the two "opium wars", during which military operations took place against British and French troops, as well as joint actions of Western and Chinese countries against the rebels, the ruling circles of the Qing Empire took out a firm conviction in the superiority of the partners' military equipment over the backward armament of the Manchurian-Chinese troops. They came to the conclusion that in the conditions of the civil war taking place in the country, the alliance with Britain, France and the United States favored their main task – the suppression of the rebellious people ^{[4, p. 18]}.

One of the consequences of the second "opium war" was the strengthening in the Qing government of supporters of the assimilation of "barbaric" or "overseas" affairs. In order to achieve this goal, they were ready to make some changes to the traditional policy of deaf isolation of China from the outside world to establish diplomatic relations with foreign countries, as well as make certain adjustments to the system of state administrative management of the empire, caused by the need to maintain contacts with representatives of foreign powers and control foreign trade ^{[4, p. 20]}.

Later, during the Yihetuan uprising and the intervention, Li Hongzhang negotiated with representatives of the participating states of the military campaign. The largest news source of the Russian Empire, Eastern Outlook, notes that the politician found himself in a difficult situation and was "ready to accept all reasonable conditions", but he wanted to "finally know what the powers actually want" ^[5].

One of the first acts signed personally by Li Hongzhang was concluded with England within the framework of the unequal Chifu Convention of 1876. The treaty guaranteed the safety of Europeans and tore off 4 new ports for them. A year later, the diplomat signed the Yantai Treaty, according to which China was deprived of a large part of its state sovereignty. England received the right to enter Yunnan Province to supervise and conduct Yunnan-Burmese trade, the British could go to Gansu, Qinghai and Sichuan. They also opened the way to the trading ports of Yichang, Wuhu, Weizhou and Beihai. Foreign goods within the concession were exempt from payment of internal customs duties, imported foreign goods from payment of internal tax ^{[6, p. 22]}.

Further imperialism led to the active division of the Qing Empire into spheres of influence and the loss of government influence over its territories. The first Sino-Japanese War of 1894-1895, which also defined new vectors for the development of regional policy and international relations, confirmed the political and economic decline of the empire. In the presence of the Emperor, Li Hongzhang received the authority to make territorial concessions, which was the result of complete despair. On the same day, Lee submitted a report with examples from the history of forced territorial concessions made by other countries to resolve the crisis ^[7].

By recognizing the independence of Korea under the terms of the treaty and renouncing claims to Taiwan and the Pescadores, the Qing government put the state at risk of the revolutionary changes that took place at the beginning of the next century, and allowed Japan to strengthen its status as a leading regional power. This treaty was the second humiliating treaty for China after the Nanjing Treaty ^{[8, p. 63]}.

As a result of the continuous external aggression and connivance, the Chinese people found themselves in a country with a semi-colonial, semi-feudal society, and the government turned into a "government in the service of foreigners", ceased to be the bearer of independent and sovereign state power, lost its position in the country ^{[9, pp. 218-219]}.

The Sino-Japanese War of 1894-1895 had a huge impact on China's relations not only with Japan, but also with other countries of the Far East and Western powers, primarily with Russia and Great Britain. The so-called triple intervention of Russia, Germany and France played an important role here. These states officially expressed their disagreement with the demands of the Japanese side put forward when signing the Shimonoseki Peace Treaty with China ^{[10, p. 57]}.

The 1896 Treaty of Alliance on the construction of the CER with the Russian Empire provided for the creation of a military alliance of the two states, which was to enter into force in the event of a Japanese attack on Russia, China or Korea. However, the Qing representation again conceded. During the war, all ports of China were opened to Russian military vessels, if necessary. The main task of the Russian-Chinese defensive alliance was to prevent a new Japanese invasion of the continent ^{[11, pp. 50-51]}.

Li Hongzhang's continued involvement in the modernization of the Chinese army, navy and industry is also important. Strengthening the country's defensive potential, according to the official, contributed to strengthening international relations. This was due to the desire to reform the economic system by adapting Western technologies and management methods.

In the period from the 1860s to the end of the 1890s, a number of enterprises were created on the basis of the feudal economy, the economic activity of which was similar to the capitalist mode of production. The result of this economic activity was the establishment of about 20 modern enterprises of the military industry. Li Hongzhang organized the main directorate of the Jiangnan Arsenal on the basis of the Shanghai Arsenal ^{[12, p. 85]}.

The dignitary also recognized the need to strengthen China. He initiated and supported a number of reforms aimed at improving military infrastructure and industry. Modern China, which places an emphasis on innovation and technological development, can see in its efforts examples of early aspirations for self-improvement and modernization.

These forms of joint ventures began to be used in the second stage of the "movement for the assimilation of overseas affairs", when economic conditions were created for investments in civilian enterprises by both the bureaucracy and private capital. The initiators of the movement realized that the power of the Western powers lies not only in modern ships and weapons, but also in the economy, and put forward the slogan "striving for wealth" in addition to "self-strengthening" ^{[12, p. 87]}.

The largest enterprises were the Chinese Commercial Steamship Company, established by Li Hongzhang in 1872, the Management of the Kaiping Coal Mines (1878), the Shanghai Textile Industry Administration (1880) and the Tianjin Telegraph Administration. The enterprises were used in the interests of the government and the bureaucracy, but immediately restrained the aggression of foreign capital in China and even gradually returned the rights they had seized. Thus, the steamship company displaced foreign carriers on both internal and external waterways, and the Kaiping Administration reduced the volume of coal imports from abroad. Li Hongzhang also took care of reducing domestic duties on the transportation of Chinese goods ^{[13, p. 262]}.

However, there are also negative aspects in evaluating the results of the work of military industry enterprises. These enterprises "... were founded and managed by the bureaucracy, machines and technical specialists were fully provided by foreign countries." No attention was paid to the training of their own specialists; the bureaucracy responsible for management did not understand anything about the military industry and cared only about their own selfish interests ^{[14, p. 27]}.

One of the last acts signed by the Qing ambassador was the "Final Protocol" of 1901. The states involved in the suppression of the boxer rebellion could not agree among themselves, which was to Li Hongzhang's advantage. Payments that stretched under the terms of the agreement until 1939 were not received by all States. One of the largest statesmen of Qing China died two months after this event, having failed to sign the agreement on Manchuria with the Russian Empire.

The nature of Li Hongzhang's foreign policy in the context of China's further political doctrine could be multidimensional, given its historical role and influence on the formation of statehood. Despite the contradictory results, Lee, being one of the leading reformers and diplomats of that time, left a significant mark on the history of the country. Some of the results of his policy can be assessed in terms of further course at later stages. A modern interpretation of the controversial decisions that led to concessions may focus on the difficulties that Li faced in trying to protect China's interests in the face of international pressure.

As his influence increased, Li faced internal discontent and criticism, which is relevant for any state, including China, where managing public opinion and maintaining stability are key tasks. Modern China views him as a complex and controversial figure whose efforts to modernize and manage international relations have both positive and negative sides.

The Qing diplomat's experience, regardless of methods and results, could be used to analyze negotiation strategies and protect national interests. Serious challenges and threats in relations with major foreign powers and regional neighbors find parallels with the challenges of the PRC at later stages.

Despite the criticism, the Government of the People's Republic of China could assess the politician's diplomatic efforts as an attempt to minimize external influence in conditions of limited opportunities. This reflected the efforts of the current government apparatus to strengthen sovereignty and protect national interests in the international arena.

By the end of the XIX century. The Qing Empire was under considerable pressure, which led to a series of unequal treaties and the loss of territories. During this period, it was weak and fragmented, its foreign policy was aimed at "survival" in the face of aggressive colonial expansion. The imperial government tried to maintain control over its territories and sovereignty, but often unsuccessfully. Wars with Western states and Japan highlighted China's technological and military backwardness.

Since the second half of the 19th century and up to the beginning of the 20th century, China's foreign policy has undergone significant changes. They not only reflect the internal political shifts in the country itself, but also in the global political and economic system.

Since the last third of the 20th century, the new Government has significantly strengthened its position in the international arena. China began to actively integrate into the world economy, especially after Deng Xiaoping's reforms in 1978. Deng Xiaoping promoted the concept of China's openness to the world, its active integration in a globalizing world. The approach to Li Hongzhang's activities has also changed. Thus, since the early 1980s, the historical figure of Lee began to be viewed in a more balanced way: pragmatism was inherent in the Soviet national interests.

Both Chinese politicians were supporters of modernization. But Dan's ideas were aimed at economic development through external openness to potential partners. The theory was called "socialism with Chinese characteristics." It assumed the preservation of the socialist system in the country with a gradual reorientation towards a capitalist economy. Economic growth, industrialization and globalization have become key factors in Chinese foreign policy ^{[15, p. 71]}.

China has also stepped up its "soft power" policy, developing cultural and educational ties through interaction programs, building a favorable image in the eyes of new partners. The military power and technological development of the country have significantly increased ^{[16, pp. 31-32]}.

Since the advent of the next generation of Chinese leaders (late 1970s - early 1990s), the country has pursued a policy of openness, characterized by stable domestic policy, and aimed at democratization and building its own legal field. The "three steps" strategy, proclaimed by the CPC and aimed at strengthening internal stability through complete modernization, allowed the PRC to achieve stability in foreign policy ^[17].

With the gradual development of a policy of openness to the outside world, China has overcome financial, technological, personnel and management constraints. However, it was not without concessions. Under the conditions of reunification, the principle of "one country-two systems" was developed, which implied the existence of two zones in the spheres of economic development. There was a socialist system on the mainland, and a capitalist system on the territory of Hong Kong, Macau and Taiwan ^[18].

Such a "smoothing of the corners" indicated openness and compromise in solving foreign policy issues, and the government's willingness to engage in dialogue. As a result, the degree of interaction with other States has increased. This made it possible to implement a successful foreign policy and build a dialogue with major actors. Further establishment of relations with the United States, Japan, Russia and other major partners makes it possible to raise China's regional and global status, aiming not only to strengthen national security, but also to make decisions in resolving issues of world politics.

The reform of the systems of mechanisms of interaction of the Government of the People's Republic of China at this stage stimulated the development of diplomacy towards interested countries.

The policy of the next leaders of the People's Republic of China took place under the auspices of upheavals and changes in relations with the countries of Europe and the United States. Having been influenced by international sanctions resulting from the reactions of the authorities to the events of 1989 in Tiananmen Square, China faced another round of international isolation. In this regard, the desire to strengthen international relations on the part of the current government remained the same, but in the current conditions, the development of relations with the states of its region became a priority.

The diplomatic relations established in the period 1990-1992 with the states of their periphery defended priorities in global interaction based on mutual assistance and peaceful coexistence, which is supported by the central government apparatus in the future. Strengthening friendly ties with neighboring partner countries made it possible to raise the level of exchange and cooperation ^[19].

By the end of the century, the key feature of foreign policy was the desire to strengthen ties and solidarity with developing countries, establish the principle of justice, jointly regulate the world order and fruitful development ^[20].

Foreign policy aimed to create "a peaceful and stable international environment, which was necessary for the modernization of the country and the development of socialism, taking into account Chinese characteristics" ^[21].

The CPC has taken steps to establish and strengthen international and regional multilateral structures, which was a clear indication of the intensification of its foreign policy strategy at the turn of the century. One notable example is the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO), which was founded in 2001. This organization includes the countries of Central Asia, Russia and China, and its goal is to strengthen security and cooperation in the region.

Another example of a multilateral association initiated with the participation of China is the BRICS group, which was officially established in 2009. In addition to the initiator, it includes Brazil, Russia, India and the Republic of South Africa. The BRICS Group focuses on global economic and development issues, as well as on strengthening ties between the world's largest emerging economies.

In this context, the Government of the country has intensified its friendly and peaceful foreign policy, especially towards its neighbors. At the same time, China does not miss the opportunity to protect its national interests, as can be seen from its active role in regional and global initiatives ^{[22, pp. 48-49]}.

An important element of the implementation of this concept is the promotion of the "One Belt– One Road" initiative. The large-scale economic and infrastructure program aims to create new trade corridors and infrastructure networks connecting China with other parts of Asia, Europe and Africa. The program involves not only economic, but also political cooperation, strengthening China's position in these regions. The initiative represents cooperation through the projects "Silk Road Economic Belt" and "Maritime Silk Road of the XXI century" ^[23].

Another example is active participation in multilateral formats such as the Shanghai Cooperation Organization and ASEAN, in which the country's government advocates strengthening regional security and economic integration ^{[24, pp. 15-16]}.

These actions underline the desire to create a favorable international environment that promotes China's national revival. Thus, the concept of the "community of the common destiny of mankind" has become a key element of foreign policy. The growing global ambitions are confirmed by the creation of a new type of state aimed at promoting the global development of the economy, science, technology, social sphere and security ^{[25, p. 23]}.

To summarize, it is necessary to highlight the following. The end of the XIX century. It was a period of significant trials for China. At that time, the country faced serious external threats and internal upheavals. Foreign policy was poorly organized, and the country often could not adequately defend its interests in the international arena. After defeats in the opium wars and other conflicts, the government of the country, led by Li Hongzhang, was forced to sign a number of unprofitable treaties that were disproportionate, granting extraterritorial rights and control over its part, which significantly limited sovereignty. Internal conflicts and the weakness of the central government made it difficult to conduct a uniform and effective foreign policy.

On the one hand, Li Hongzhang's efforts have made a positive contribution to the development of the country. His attempts to modernize the army and economy are seen as harbingers of China's later modernization and industrialization efforts. On the other hand, his diplomatic strategy and the results of the negotiations are often criticized for having led to a deterioration of the international situation. At the same time, his failures in diplomacy and international conflict management are used as a reminder of the importance of a strong and independent foreign policy.

By the end of the XX century. China has significantly changed its foreign policy, supporting global trends, becoming one of the largest exporters and attracting huge amounts of foreign investment. The "One Belt, One Road" initiative is a vivid example of the state's desire to strengthen its economic influence.

Significantly increased diplomatic activity has made it possible to become an important participant in numerous international organizations and forums. At the same time, China is significantly increasing its military capabilities, which allows it to more effectively protect its national interests.

The transition from a passive and limited foreign policy to an active and multidimensional strategy reflects profound changes in the country itself. Previously, modern China, which was often the object of international politics, has become its active subject, capable of shaping the global order according to its interests.

This comparison shows how changes in domestic politics and the economy can radically reform the state's foreign policy strategy. In this case, the transformation from a backward, colonized State into a world power is one of the most notable examples in recent history.

China's foreign policy underwent significant changes from the end of the 19th to the beginning of the 21st centuries, reflecting profound transformations in the political, economic and social structure of the country. These changes not only redefined China's role on the world stage, but also significantly influenced global processes.