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Law and Politics
Reference:

The issue of technological sovereignty in the 21st century: the concept, peculiarity and experience of China

Lin' Menghan

ORCID: 0009-0000-6018-4524

Postgraduate student; Department of Comparative Political Science; Peoples' Friendship University of Russia named after Patrice Lumumba

148 Leninsky Ave., Moscow, 119571, Russia

1042235388@pfur.ru

DOI:

10.7256/2454-0706.2024.9.71241

EDN:

TLZJPH

Received:

12-07-2024


Published:

04-09-2024


Abstract: The subject of the study is technological sovereignty in the 21st century. The article provides a comparative historical analysis of the concept, features and experience of technological sovereignty from the point of view of representatives of socialist development with Chinese specifics. The research focuses on the main problems of technological sovereignty in the context of globalization of the XXI century. The study deeply examines the definition and significance of technological sovereignty and its unique characteristics in the modern world, including the impact of technological innovations on national competitiveness, security problems caused by technological dependence, as well as the maintenance of sovereignty in international technological cooperation and competition. In particular, the article considers China as a typical case for analyzing its practical experience, problems and coping strategies in building technological sovereignty. Historical, documentary, survey and comparative studies were chosen as the methods of study. The scope of the results and their novelty lies in the awareness of the value of accumulated political and trade experience to protect State security and prevent a new form of war against the background of prolonged globalization and technological revolution, thereby promoting international cooperation and positive rivalry. Conclusions and results. Technological sovereignty means that a country retains its sovereignty and independent status in political, economic, and other fields, independently mastering key technologies and innovative opportunities. It emphasizes the autonomy of the country and the rights of control in the technical field and is an extension and embodiment of national sovereignty in the technical field. The problem of China's technological sovereignty is characterized by distinctive features. On the one hand, China is committed to strengthening independent innovation and increasing technological self-sufficiency in order to get rid of external dependence and restrictions and ensure the security of technological sovereignty. On the other hand, China actively participates in the global governance of science and technology and promotes the creation of an open, cooperative and mutually beneficial international system of scientific and technical cooperation to maintain the balance and stability of the global technological ecosystem. The study of technological sovereignty has given new life to the theory of political science. This encourages political scientists to pay more attention to the impact of technological factors on the global political landscape and international relations, and also promotes interdisciplinary integration and innovation of political science theory.


Keywords:

technological sovereignty, state security, trade exchange, technonationalism, conceptualization, China, digital technologies, international relations, globalization, public policies

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Introduction

The article is devoted to the analysis of the issue of the formation of technological sovereignty of the state. The 21st century is characterized by a rapid pace of technological development in connection with the development of the Internet. Innovation in the technology industry helps states achieve economic growth and competitiveness in politics. In recent years, technology-based competition has been constantly escalating, and the concept of technology in public policy and international innovation policy is becoming more and more important.

For example, the competition between China and the United States in the field of chip development not only affects politics, but also affects science, economics and strategy. One specific example is the Chips and Science Act, signed by U.S. President Biden in 2022, which aims to bring chip manufacturing back to the United States. The law provides for huge industrial subsidies and prohibits subsidized U.S. enterprises and their allies from cooperating with China for a certain period. The signing ceremony was attended by the heads of Intel, Micron, HP and AMD. This policy has had a negative impact on the development of China's semiconductor industry. Since October 2022, imports to China of high-quality semiconductor equipment and powerful computing chips have been severely affected [34, p. 84]. However, in early February 2023, SMIC and Huahong Semiconductor simultaneously published the annual report on the work of 2023. From the point of view of these two companies, the semiconductor industry is still in a downward cycle, but both companies believe that the prospects for 2024 will be better than in 2023 [33, p. 1670]. In fact, in 2023, China's semiconductor industry has stabilized its position. Huawei has developed a MATE60 mobile phone model equipped with a Kirin 9000 processor [38, p. 5733]. China now has advanced chip manufacturing facilities that are not controlled by the United States.

It follows from this that it is technological sovereignty that makes it possible to reduce dependence, protect economic interests, promote industrial transformation and international cooperation.

To study the issue of the formation of technological sovereignty of the state, it is important to consider the essence and features of technological sovereignty in the 21st century, its importance and impact on the economic and technological development of countries. The article also analyzes the general theoretical and practical problems in the formation of technological sovereignty and China's approach to solving these issues as a concrete example of empirical analysis.

Conceptualization of technological sovereignty

The concept of technological sovereignty has gradually emphasized its importance in recent years. With the deepening of globalization and the rapid development of science and technology, the impact of technology on national security and the economy is becoming more significant, which gives rise to the concept of technological sovereignty. In the context of the 21st century, the rapid development of advanced fields such as information and communication technologies, artificial intelligence and biotechnology has profoundly affected the competitive environment between countries. The mastery and application of technology has become an important manifestation of the power of the State, and therefore technological sovereignty has become the focus of attention of all countries.

For example, one of the most advanced aerospace technologies in the United States is the technology in SpaceX's Starship project. The project represents the latest technology of reusable launch vehicles. The Starship uses a variety of advanced technologies, including the Raptor engine, which has extremely high thrust and allows the Starship to ensure reuse and high performance. In addition, the Starship also uses thrust vector control technologies, artificial intelligence and advanced thermal protection systems. This project increases the scientific and technical power and international status of the School, contributes to the development of space research, commercial aviation and state defense. In addition, breakthroughs in aerospace technologies also contributed to the development of relevant industrial chains, created jobs and had a positive impact on the US economy [30, p. 519].

There are still many leading companies in Europe in the field of chip manufacturing, such as the world's leading manufacturer of lithographic machines ASML, which produces EUV machines with a high numerical aperture of NA for 2-nm technological process. This type of photolithographic machine can improve the precision and efficiency of chip manufacturing, which is of great importance for the development of semiconductor technologies. Breakthroughs in European chip manufacturing technology are reflected not only in the research and development of key equipment such as photolithography machines, but also include design, packaging, testing and other aspects. With the development of Moore's law, Europe has also made significant progress in advanced technological processes and three-dimensional packaging technology [25, p. 147]. Advanced chip manufacturing technologies not only enhance Europe's technological competitiveness and industrial level, but also contribute to economic growth and job creation. In addition, since the chip is the cornerstone of the modern information society, its technological breakthroughs are also related to national security and strategic interests. Therefore, the EU and European companies like ASML and Hailo Technologies are increasing their investments and support for chip technologies in order to maintain their dominant position in global technology competition.

From the above examples, it can be seen that there is a close connection among the development of technology, politics and economics. Similarly, when studying the concept of technological sovereignty, it is also necessary to clarify the relationship among political, economic and technological sovereignty.

The concept of "sovereignty" in the traditional sense is used in the political and economic spheres. If technological sovereignty is to be precisely defined, the traditional concepts of political sovereignty and economic sovereignty must be reconsidered.

Political sovereignty originally dates back to the works of Boden and Hobbes [15, p. 115], as well as to the system of the Westphalian World. By the end of the 19th century, this concept had become more complete and could be defined as: external control and intervention. In other words, a political entity is considered to have political sovereignty. There are several explanations for this definition: firstly, a country or government is usually called a power; secondly, sovereignty includes internal sovereignty and external sovereignty; thirdly, sovereignty is absolutely "all or nothing". This is an empirical question that can be divided into two degrees; fourth, there is disagreement about whether sovereignty has territorial boundaries. For example, the Internet obviously covers countries and has no clear boundaries. That is, technological development, which will be discussed below, will pose a threat to traditional political and economic sovereignty. Political sovereignty is people's sovereignty, and the legitimacy of political entities comes from the choice and support of the people.

Based on this, a broader definition of political sovereignty can be proposed, emphasizing the ability as a means of achieving sovereignty: political sovereignty is the ability of a political body to independently solve its problems through collective action. This definition represents political sovereignty as a direct extension of personal sovereignty, that is, freedom of choice. In addition, he also emphasizes the ability of the political system to structure decision-making mechanisms and decision-making institutions to address the problems of group decision-making. Examples include the adoption and enforcement of laws, the provision of public goods, and the allocation of resources based on members' preferences. Thus, the state becomes an institution implementing group solutions.

Economic sovereignty is the ability of a country to advance its economic interests. The essence of economic sovereignty is the application of political sovereignty in economic policy. Thus, its meaning includes "the country's ability to effectively intervene in the economy" [6, p. 50], that is, independently set appropriate policy variables such as tax rates, government spending, trade regulation and market competition rules. Because of this, countries will lose some of their economic sovereignty when supranational structures coordinate national economic policies: for example, the single currency in the European Union, trade rules and financial support programs from the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank. On the other hand, economic sovereignty is also an important component and prerequisite of political sovereignty, since good economic conditions are a prerequisite for other political measures, not to mention those economic policies that protect national interests.

After defining political sovereignty and economic sovereignty, the impact of technology on both can then be discussed. Technology here specifically refers to key technologies that can profoundly affect people themselves and human society, such as new materials, communication technologies, artificial intelligence, etc.

We believe that such critical technologies may pose a threat to the political and economic sovereignty of the State. The logical basis of these key technologies is as follows: economic growth and prosperity are driven by technological change, and maintaining and strengthening economic sovereignty requires the constant development of existing technologies and the discovery of new technologies. New technologies have expanded the scope of political strategy and regulatory objects [19, p. 155]. Technological advances bring new vulnerabilities and security risks, such as cyber attacks. Technological progress contributes to globalization, but the process of globalization will limit the sovereignty of the country. New technologies can allow members of society to undermine national sovereignty, as new technologies outpace national regulation, and the rules set by technology companies will become industry practice, in addition, people can use new technologies to more effectively evade regulation;

These three types of sovereignty are interrelated and influence each other. Political sovereignty is the cornerstone of national sovereignty, ensuring the political independence and autonomy of the country. Economic sovereignty is linked to the economic interests of the country and the development space. Technological sovereignty is a new requirement and challenge to national sovereignty in the 21st century against the background of the rapid development of science and technology. The realization of technological sovereignty helps to maintain the stability and security of political and economic sovereignty.

As for the study of state sovereignty, scientists in the world hold different points of view. Some Western political scientists have long believed that the trend of changing national sovereignty in the 21st century is "how national sovereignty is shifting from traditional to non-traditional." That is, with the development of globalization and technology, the meaning and expansion of national sovereignty are changing. As an important part of non-traditional sovereignty, the importance of technological sovereignty is becoming increasingly visible. For example, Robert Keohane and Joseph Nye rejected the idea that "states are the only actors" and believed that the development of interstate and transnational relations in post-war international society prompted people to pay more attention to the study of many actors at the international level. Joseph Nye believes that there are two main types of transfer of power in world politics. One is the transfer of power between countries, for example, from West to East, which is manifested in the rapid growth of Asian economies represented by emerging markets. This is the diffusion of power from the state to non-state actors, which benefits from the rapid development and change of information technologies represented by the advent of the Internet. The order will descend into a kind of neo-feudal chaos, and non-State actors will have the opportunity to receive support. The technological dominance of globalization will inevitably exceed traditional productivity, and technological sovereignty will be influenced by many factors. This influence will come not only from within the country, but also from the achievements of multinational technology companies in the field of technological innovation [4, p. 34].

However, contrary to these views, scientists in Russia and China emphasize that in the 21st century, when technologies and innovations are transferred from the digital world to the creation of a national energy system, technological sovereignty is a key link in realizing this transition and is related to whether a country can maintain competitiveness and influence. For example, new technologies, especially digital ones, are characterized by network and large-scale effects, which will lead to the winner-takes-all principle and market monopoly, which can lead to dependence on the foreign market and threaten the technological, economic and political sovereignty of the state. And communication technologies that create information cocoons undermine political communication through false propaganda. From the point of view of Dunenkovi E.N. and Onishchenko S. I., technological sovereignty means “the ability of a state to provide itself with technologically necessary products and services independently, without dependence on other countries [8, p. 16].” And Potaptseva E. V. and Akberdina V. V. consider that technological sovereignty is “complex and a multifaceted concept”, it can be interpreted in different ways [11, p. 11]. Hu Jianze, a researcher at the Department of Chinese Diplomacy Studies at the Institute of International Relations and a well-known Chinese political scientist, believes that big data gives national sovereignty a new meaning. The space of traditional international politics is a physical space, and the objects of his research are mainly countries, relations between countries, international systems and structures in physical space. However, big data, based on the Internet and cloud platforms, has brought international politics into an infinitely vast virtual space. A completely new game content has appeared in the virtual space. At the same time, big data brought new international political connotations [22, p. 490].

Summarizing the problems that technology creates for political and economic sovereignty, it is possible to define technological sovereignty. If a political system has technological sovereignty, it should be able to independently make decisions on the use of key technologies and the ability to develop technological innovations to preserve its political and economic sovereignty [9, p. 77]. Simple post-factum supervision is not enough to solve the problems that technology creates for political and economic sovereignty. Technological sovereignty should cover the entire process of the entire technology development chain, including identification, understanding, evaluation, development, promotion, production, use and implementation of key technologies.

As a result, technological sovereignty has become an important issue of great concern to Governments around the world. Countries ensure their leadership and independent governance in key technological areas by developing policies, increasing investment, strengthening cooperation and other means, thereby preserving their technological sovereignty.

Features of technological sovereignty

Studying the characteristics of technological sovereignty, scientists studying international relations often use comparative analysis and methods of institutional research[5, p. 127]. They pay more attention to how technology has become a new field of competition for power between countries, and the impact of this ability on a country's international status and the role of security and economic interests. For example, in their study of the capital form of foreign direct investment, Wang Honglin, Li Daokui and Feng Junxin stated that the only way foreign direct investment can affect economic growth is through constant technological reforms [23, p. 77]. In addition, Li Guangpei suggests that the basis and conditions for improving governance should be formed through the state, which is the basis for improving technological sovereignty in the international environment [32, p. 49]. Scientists are also studying the orientation of the policies of various countries, the directions of development of large state-owned enterprises. Analyzing the process of establishing technological sovereignty in various countries in recent years, they compare non-traditional sovereignties with traditional ones. For example, Xu Lu proposed to create a "dual" system of scientific research and an R&D system [3 5, p. 67]. Following this approach, the article analyzes four main characteristics of technological sovereignty.

Technological research, development and innovation are the most important characteristics of this sovereignty. As an example, we can take the situation in Russia in the field of semiconductor technologies. Thanks to constant technological innovations and investments in research and development, the School has mastered a large number of patents for basic semiconductor technologies and intellectual property rights. At the same time, the United States also protects the interests and market positions of its own semiconductor companies by formulating strict technical standards and regulations. In addition, they also actively support the development of local semiconductor companies and expand their global market share through international cooperation as well as mergers and acquisitions. These measures not only increase the competitiveness and influence of the United States in the field of semiconductor technology, but also help to maintain the status of technological sovereignty. The core of technological sovereignty lies in the control and innovation of key technologies. Through independent research, development and technological innovation, Chinese automobile companies have achieved independent control over the technology of new energy vehicles, thereby strengthening their technological sovereignty. For example, as the development of new intelligent energy vehicles accelerates, self-developed driver's license and Vehicle Certificate (STS) chips they have become important for car companies. As a leader in the industry of new energy vehicles, NIO is actively developing its own intelligent chips for driver's licenses and vehicle certificates [36, p. 39]. The successful introduction of this chip marks a major breakthrough for Chinese vehicles powered by new energy sources in the field of chips. NIO not only increases the competitiveness of domestic automotive companies in the field of intelligent driving, but also reduces dependence on external suppliers and improves technological sovereignty [21, p. 206].

In addition, technological sovereignty requires the Government and state-owned enterprises to constantly innovate and break through through the development of key technologies. Take, for example, high-power gas turbines - this is the main equipment of the energy industry, known as the "pearl" of the equipment manufacturing industry. In order to obtain the key manufacturing technology for this equipment, China implemented the project "Scientific and Technical Innovations 2030: Brain Science", putting aircraft engines and gas turbines in first place among 100 projects [27, p. 793]. Under the leadership of United Heavy-Duty Gas Turbine Technology Co., Ltd. China has explored a unique method of scientific research engineering and has made significant progress in the production of high-power gas turbines, which reflects the innovative characteristics of technological sovereignty [20, p. 46]. Through continuous research, development and innovation, a country can master key technologies and thereby strengthen its technological sovereignty. This characteristic shows that technological sovereignty requires countries and state enterprises to have strong innovation potential and constant introduction of new technologies and products in order to maintain a leading position in global technological competition. Such innovativeness is one of the most important characteristics of technological sovereignty and its essential difference from political and economic sovereignty.

Technological sovereignty is inseparable from the digital world and the Internet. With the deepening of digitalization and globalization, the understanding of this unconventional sovereignty in Europe is becoming clearer. The EU's constantly updated industrial and digital policy has begun to "institutionalize" the concept of technological sovereignty in order to solve the problems of weakening economic and geopolitical influence. Therefore, the EU has launched a number of strategic projects, such as the Gaia-X project, aimed at creating a competitive, secure and trustworthy European data infrastructure [17, p. 4].In addition, Europe has also strengthened independent research, development and innovation in areas such as cloud computing and payment systems [16, p. 37]. Europe's pursuit of technological sovereignty is an ongoing process that is constantly being adjusted and improved as technology develops and the international environment changes. This reflects the dynamic nature of technological sovereignty, that is, the country needs to react flexibly in accordance with real conditions in order to maintain its technological leadership and sovereignty.

In the context of globalization, technological sovereignty is no longer limited to one country. Scientific and technical cooperation and competition between countries are becoming increasingly fierce, and transnational scientific and technical cooperation has become an important way to promote technological innovation and industrial development. For example, China carries out extensive cooperation and exchanges with the United States, Europe and other countries in the field of artificial intelligence and quantum computing; at the same time, countries also actively compete for leadership and voice in these areas; This kind of transnational scientific and technical cooperation and competition reflect the global characteristics of technological sovereignty. The country needs to actively participate in international scientific and technical cooperation and exchanges in order to receive more technical resources and information, at the same time, it also needs to pay attention to the development and implementation of international technical rules and standards to protect its rights and status in international technological competition. This global characteristic makes technological sovereignty unique compared to political and economic sovereignty.

Technological nationalism often promotes the realization of technological sovereignty through political means. For example, a country's autonomy and security in the technology sector can be ensured by developing strict policies to control the import and export of technology, support domestic technological innovation enterprises, and limit foreign investment in key areas. These political orientations fully correspond to the goals of technological sovereignty and are aimed at protecting the main interests of the country [12, p. 150].

In practice, the realization of technological sovereignty and technological nationalism often merge and reinforce each other. On the one hand, improving technological sovereignty requires political support and practical promotion of technological nationalism, on the other hand, the implementation of technological nationalism also helps to raise the status of a country's technological sovereignty. For example, breakthroughs in key technological areas and the achievement of independent production can not only enhance a country's economic strength and international competitiveness, but also enhance its autonomy and voice in the technological field.

The problems of implementing technological sovereignty in the 21st century

In the process of realizing technological sovereignty in the 21st century, there are a number of complex problems, including theoretical differences and contradictions, as well as specific difficulties in practice.

Among the theoretical disagreements and contradictions, the most common is the ambiguity of the definition of technological sovereignty. There are different definitions of technological sovereignty in different countries. Technologically developing countries are paying more attention to their ability to control key technologies and standards, while technologically advanced countries are focusing on their dominance and voice in international technical cooperation. For example, in the field of artificial intelligence, different countries have different understandings of technological sovereignty. Some countries believe that technological sovereignty should be reflected in full control over the main technologies, algorithms and artificial intelligence data. For example, countries such as China, Russia, India and ASEAN countries have been strengthening their competitiveness in basic artificial intelligence algorithms in recent years in order to avoid complete dependence on technologically advanced countries [28, p. 20]. China is constantly improving its technological level in areas such as automobiles and mobile phones [23, p. 3081]. Russia's intellectual development in the aerospace sector has fully reached the level of independence. The United States and developed European countries believe that technological sovereignty should also include leadership in the development of international standards, technology exports and the formulation of IL rights [29, p. 479]. US technical protectionism against China, as well as the EU's digital transformation strategy within the framework of the discourse of "technological sovereignty" and "digital sovereignty" — all this means maintaining US technological dominance by political means.

In addition, there is the problem of the boundary between State sovereignty and the sovereignty of cyberspace. With the rapid development of network technologies, the sovereignty of cyberspace has become an important part of technological sovereignty. However, there is widespread disagreement over whether national sovereignty should extend to cyberspace. Some countries argue that cyberspace is a natural extension of national sovereignty and should be protected by national sovereignty. For example, the Russian federal law "On Amendments to the Federal Law "On Communications" and the Federal Law "On Information, Information Technologies and Information Protection"" broke through the tradition of legislation and changed the legal basis of Russian cyberspace [37, p. 343]. Currently, Russia's network security strategy is reflected in the new version of the "Information Security Doctrine of the Russian Federation", approved by President Putin on December 5, 2016 (Decree of the President of the Russian Federation No. 646 dated December 05, 2016). The doctrine emphasizes the need to strengthen Russia's ability to build a system of protection against Western hackers. Focusing on this strategy, in 2017 in Russia has also adopted a law On the security of the critical information infrastructure of the Russian Federation, the ban on "advertising or popularization of means of circumventing locks", the law "On Information, Information Technologies and Information Protection", etc., was supplemented (Federal Law No. 187-FZ of July 26, 2017). Other countries believe that cyberspace is global and has no borders, and international rules need to be established to manage it. China is a firm supporter of legislation in the field of Internet regulation. The document "Network Sovereignty: Theory and Practice" was first presented at the Sixth World Internet Conference. At the forum, it was proposed that countries formulate generally acceptable international rules of cyberspace and national codes of conduct based on the protection of national cyber sovereignty, making them a new proposal that the international community is facing, constantly studying, developing and enriching practices. Such a disagreement is increasingly being discussed in the field of international law and international relations.

In the process of realizing technological sovereignty, problems such as unfair competition between countries, the dispersion of resources and the violation of intellectual property rights arise.

In the context of globalization, technological blockade and competition have become important obstacles to achieving technological sovereignty. In order to protect their technological advantages and limit other countries' access to key technologies, some countries are taking measures such as technological blockades and export controls. In the field of semiconductor manufacturing, the United States and other Western countries have long implemented a technological blockade and export controls on China, limiting China's access to high-quality chips and manufacturing equipment. This has led to the fact that China's technological development in this area has been severely limited. Technological innovations require large investments and intellectual support, but capital and intellectual resources on a global scale are often scattered across different countries and regions. This limits the achievement of full control over the technological sovereignty of one country on its own. In the field of new energy vehicles, although China has a huge market and advantages of production chains, there is still a gap between China and the United States in terms of core technologies. In order to strengthen its technological sovereignty, China needs to attract more international capital and intellectual resources to participate in research, development and innovation in the field of new energy vehicles.

Intellectual property rights are an important achievement and guarantee of technological innovation, but the problem of intellectual property protection has always been an important obstacle to the realization of technological sovereignty. To gain competitive advantages, some countries and companies use unfair ways to infringe on the intellectual property rights of others, harming the rights and interests of technological innovators. For example, the patent war between Apple and Samsung in the field of designing interaction with the external interface [31, p. 224]. Companies in many countries have sued the famous website The Pirate Bay for its copyright infringement [2, p. 321]. In the Internet age, infringement and theft of intellectual property rights in the field of high technology have become commonplace. To combat such illegal acts, countries have stepped up efforts to protect intellectual property rights and formulated stricter laws, regulations and measures to protect intellectual property. However, due to the complexity and transnational nature of intellectual property rights, intellectual property protection issues still face many challenges.

In the context of globalization, the coexistence of international cooperation and competition has become an important feature of achieving technological sovereignty. On the one hand, countries need to strengthen international cooperation in order to jointly respond to global technological challenges. On the other hand, there is fierce competition between countries for technological dominance and "discursive power" in the international arena. In the field of 5G technology, China, the United States, Europe and other countries are actively investing in research, development and promotion. In order to compete for dominance in 5G technology, countries have strengthened the development and implementation of international cooperation and competition strategies. However, due to disagreements and disputes between countries regarding technical standards and market access, international cooperation and competition in the field of 5G technology faces many challenges. For example, the US and China play an important role in 3GPP (the Third Generation Partnership Project), but the 5G technology standards led by both sides are different. The US-led 5G technical standards are based on the O-RAN (Open Radio Access Network) architecture, while China mainly promotes 5G technical standards based on the SA (independent network) architecture [1, p. 27]. This difference has led to competition for the right to speak out in the process of setting international standards. The countries hope that they will be able to formulate international standards in order to take an advantageous position in the global market of 5G technologies [3, p. 564]. However, the development of technical standards requires broad consensus and cooperation, and differences in the requirements of interests and technical paths between different countries can make the development process difficult and time-consuming.

Summing up, we can say that in the process of realizing technological sovereignty in the 21st century, there are many problems and tasks. To solve them, countries need to strengthen cooperation and exchanges, as well as jointly contribute to the sustainable progress of global scientific and technological innovation and economic development. At the same time, countries also need to strengthen intellectual property protection, attract more capital and intellectual resources to participate in technological innovation, and formulate smarter science and technology policies to strengthen their technological sovereignty.

China's experience in shaping technological sovereignty and addressing these issues

Over the past 20 years, China has significantly developed technological sovereignty and achieved important breakthroughs in many areas through independent research and development in various fields, as well as exchanges and cooperation with friendly countries such as Russia.

In the field of aerospace technology, after the successful launch of the Shenzhou-5 manned spacecraft in 2003, China gradually created its own manned space potential. Subsequent missions, such as Shenzhou 6 and Shenzhou 9, further strengthened this position. In particular, the successful docking of Shenzhou-9 and Tiangong-1 indicates that China has mastered the technology of space rendezvous and docking and laid the foundation for the construction of a space station. From the successful orbit of the Moon Chang'e-1 in 2007 to the soft landing of Chang 'e-3 on the surface of the Moon and the launch of the lunar rover Yutu in 2013 to the first soft landing of Chang'e-4 on the far side of the Moon in 2019, the Chinese lunar exploration project continues to make new breakthroughs, demonstrating China's strong strength in the field of deep space exploration [7, p. 33].

In the field of information technology, China is at the forefront of research, development and commercialization of 5G technologies. Through independent research and development, as well as integration with international standards, China has not only created a complete 5G industry chain, but has also promoted the application and development of 5G technology worldwide. In addition, China has made significant progress in the field of artificial intelligence, including speech recognition, image recognition, natural language processing and other aspects. Through the cooperation of industry, universities and research and the creation of an innovative ecosystem, China has created a number of internationally competitive companies and innovative teams in the field of artificial intelligence.

In the field of new energy technologies, China's automotive industry has developed rapidly in recent years, forming a complete production chain and market system. Thanks to the political leadership and innovation of market mechanisms, the production and sale of new energy vehicles in China has been ranked first in the world for many years in a row.

In addition, China has also made advances in renewable energy sources such as solar and wind energy. Thanks to technological innovations and industrial modernization, China's installed solar and wind power capacity and electricity generation occupy one of the first places in the world.

In the field of public transport technology, China's high-speed rail technology has reached a world-class level. Thanks to independent research, development and innovative practices, China has not only built the world's largest high-speed railway network, but has also successfully exported high-speed railway technology and equipment to many countries and regions. The C919, China's first commercial mainline passenger aircraft designed in accordance with international airworthiness standards, successfully completed its first commercial flight in 2023, which was an important step for China in the aviation industry [13, p. 1450].

Over more than 20 years of practice, the Chinese government has accumulated important experience in preserving and improving technological sovereignty.

The Chinese government has formulated clear goals for the development of science and technology at various times. For example, the "National Medium- and Long-term Science and Technology Development Plan (2006-2020)" clarifies the development of scientific and technical activities of "independent innovation", which will provide a clear direction and motivation for China's scientific and technological innovations. In order to promote scientific and technological innovation, China has adopted a number of scientific and technical policies, such as "Plan 863", "Plan 973", "National Key R&D Plan", etc. [18, p. 1610]. These plans provide important financial support and political guarantees for scientific and technological innovations. At the same time, the government has also strengthened the training and deployment of scientific and technological innovation talents, providing a solid foundation for scientific and technological innovation.

In the face of the blockade and deterrence of high technology by Western countries, the Chinese government insisted on independent innovation and made a breakthrough in a number of key technologies through independence. For example, in the field of aerospace industry, China has successfully developed major scientific and technological achievements such as "two bombs and one satellite", manned space technology and the Beidou navigation system, and in the field of information technology, China has achieved important achievements [26, p. 19].

China is still actively contributing to the creation of an innovation system and collecting innovative resources to expand innovation potential through the construction of national laboratories, national technological innovation centers, industrial innovation centers and other innovation platforms. At the same time, the Government is also strengthening cooperation between industry, universities and research to promote the transformation and application of scientific and technological advances.

The Chinese Government is also actively involved in international scientific and technical cooperation and strengthens exchanges and cooperation with other countries in the field of science and technology by participating in international scientific and technical organizations and participating in international scientific and technical projects. For example, China has actively participated in international cooperation on space stations and major international scientific projects, which has strengthened its influence and voice in the international field of science and technology. The Chinese Government promotes openness and exchange in the field of science and technology, and strengthens exchanges and cooperation with other countries in the field of science and technology through science and technology exhibitions, scientific and technical forums and other events. At the same time, the Government also actively promotes the open exchange of scientific and technological resources and promotes the coordinated development of scientific and technological innovations.

To summarize, over the past 20 years, China has significantly developed technological sovereignty through a number of major scientific and technological projects and sustained innovation efforts, as well as achieved important breakthroughs in many areas. These achievements not only enhance China's international status and comprehensive national power, but also make an important contribution to global scientific and technological progress and sustainable development.

Conclusion

The concept of technological sovereignty is of great importance in political science. Like territorial sovereignty, it is part of national sovereignty and has a certain degree of influence in the political, economic and scientific spheres. Technological sovereignty is an important driving force of economic development. Through independent innovation and the application of technology, the country can develop new industries, transform traditional industries, increase the competitiveness of industry and achieve sustainable and healthy economic development. Technological sovereignty has four main characteristics. First, technological sovereignty requires continuous technological research and development. Secondly, technological sovereignty requires constant political and financial support from the State and enterprises. Thirdly, technological sovereignty is closely linked to the digital world and the Internet. Fourth, the development of technological sovereignty is not limited to one country, but has a transnational characteristic. In the course of the development of technological sovereignty, many problems have arisen, such as differences in theoretical development and difficulties in practice. For example, countries with strong technological sovereignty have more say and influence in international affairs and can better protect their own interests and contribute to changes in the global governance system. In the context of global trade wars and the rise of technological protectionism, technological sovereignty is becoming increasingly important. Countries have increased investments in technological research, development and innovation to promote industrial modernization, transformation and modernization. Countries are strengthening international cooperation and exchanges to jointly respond to global technological challenges and challenges.

Summing up, we can say that technological sovereignty is an important ability and ability of a country to independently control its own technological system. It includes innovation, application, standard setting and safety in the field of technology. Technological sovereignty is of great importance for ensuring national security, promoting economic development and enhancing international status. Therefore, in the 21st century and in future political science issues, we need to pay more attention to the issue of technological sovereignty, increase investments in technological research, development and innovation, and promote industrial modernization, transformation and modernization.

Judging from China's experience, the fields of application of technological sovereignty are wide and deep, covering many aspects – from high-tech industries to traditional industries. The rapid development of these areas not only contributes to the further growth, transformation and modernization of China's economy, but also strengthens China's voice and influence in global technological competition.

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First Peer Review

Peer reviewers' evaluations remain confidential and are not disclosed to the public. Only external reviews, authorized for publication by the article's author(s), are made public. Typically, these final reviews are conducted after the manuscript's revision. Adhering to our double-blind review policy, the reviewer's identity is kept confidential.
The list of publisher reviewers can be found here.

The subject of the peer-reviewed study is the problem of the implementation of technological sovereignty in the modern world of increasingly globalizing and digitalizing politics. Given the problems that arise from the processes of blurring national borders, the dispersion of capital and intelligence, the relevance of the topic chosen by the author for research can hardly be overestimated. Unfortunately, the author completely ignored his obligation to give a detailed description and argumentation of the theoretical and methodological basis of his own research. From the context, it can be understood that in the process of research, methods of critical conceptual analysis (when conceptualizing the problem of technological sovereignty based on the analysis of the works of other scientists) and institutional (when analyzing specific norms for the implementation of technological sovereignty) were used. However, these methods were used very haphazardly and sporadically, which could not but affect the quality of the results obtained. For example, it is completely unclear by what specific scientific means, on the basis of what specific empirical material, conclusions were obtained regarding the features of technological sovereignty listed in section 2 of the text of the article. The conclusions, to put it mildly, are by no means indisputable, and even not supported by any references and no theoretical and methodological basis. It seems that the author simply stated his own vision of the problem, which, of course, cannot be considered a scientific result. It follows from this that it is not possible to establish the degree of scientific novelty and reliability of this and other results of the article. Structurally, the work does not cause significant complaints: its logic is consistent and reflects the main aspects of the research. The same cannot be said about the style of the text of the article. The problems with style begin with the title of the article: "The issue of technological sovereignty in the 21st century: the concept, peculiarity and experience of China." What is the issue in question? What happens to this question in the text? Is there an answer to it? Or is the question just being posed? In scientific periodicals, it is often possible to find the expression "to the question of ..." when the author tries to take part in the discussion of a particular issue, a particular scientific problem. It's just that the "question" in the title of the article has dubious stylistic advantages. Also, why does the word "feature" have a singular number? In the text, the concept of technological sovereignty is considered in comparison with related concepts of political and economic sovereignty. Is it really possible that technological sovereignty differs from these types of sovereignty only in one particular feature? – Judging by the title of the second section of the article, there is not one such feature, but the content of this section demonstrates to the reader as many as six features: consistency, dynamism, globality, etc., including the dubious "generality" (what does this even mean?) and independence (the concept of sovereignty means independence, i.e., it cannot be a specific feature of technological sovereignty, a "feature" that distinguishes it from other types of sovereignty), etc. There are other stylistic expressions in the text (for example, the expressions "continue to influence and challenge", "sustainable innovative efforts" or even worse "political policy" are strange from the point of view of style (apparently, this implies a not very successful attempt to play up the differences between English-speaking "policy" and "politics" in contrast to economic, technological, etc. types of politics); tautologies are also quite common, for example: "A country should have ... opportunities ... and also have the opportunity.... Secondly, the right to apply technology, which means to be able to.... Fourth, technical safety is an opportunity..."; often there are just empty sentences written explicitly for the red word, for example: "Technological sovereignty as an extension and manifestation of national sovereignty in the technical sphere is an indispensable and important issue of modern international competition and cooperation. This is not only related to the technological independence and security of the country, but is also an important symbol of comprehensive power [what does the expression "comprehensive power" mean in this context, if we are talking about technological sovereignty above? does this concept, by virtue of its "comprehensiveness", include, say, energy power? and the space one? and the language one? can the United States be considered to have such "comprehensive" power, given that this country does not have its own language? – such expressions reduce the accuracy of the scientific style, adding journalistic character to the text – rec.] country and international status [whose international status? – rec.]"; the sentence "Technological sovereignty is a dynamic development process that is constantly changing along with the continuous development of science and technology and changes in the international environment" is no less empty, since the term "dynamic process" itself implies constant change, and further stringing of the words "change", "change" etc. means the layering of some pleonasms on others; etc.) and grammatical (for example, quite often there are simply inconsistent sentences, for example: "The components of technological sovereignty include the following four main aspects"; etc.) errors. There are also terminological problems. The "political policy" was mentioned above. But besides this, the author periodically replaces the terms "technological" and "technical" (including sovereignty!), although we understand that these terms, for all their proximity, have certain differences. The term "independent controllability" is also extremely vague (how is this even possible? – manageability in itself implies dependence on the one who governs) in the sentence: "Countries ensure their leading position and independent manageability in key technological areas ..., thereby preserving their technological sovereignty." It is clear from the context that we are talking about the sovereign right of the state to manage processes on its own territory, including technological processes, but the chosen term "manageability", due to its passive pledge, reverses the meaning of this proposal. Another example: what are "independent intellectual property rights" and how can they be "mastered"? From whom are these rights "independent"? Why should these rights not be "established", not "secured", not "declared", but "mastered"? And what does it mean to "prevent the control and interference of external forces in the technical field"? Does the control of the civil society of a given country over the expenditure of federal budget funds allocated for certain technological projects belong to such "external forces"? And how can this control interfere with the enforcement of intellectual property rights? Unfortunately, the text contains an unacceptably large number of such stylistic, grammatical and terminological errors and direct errors, which became the key reason for making the decision to send the article for revision. The bibliography has 10 titles and more or less reflects the state of research on the subject of the article, although it could be significantly strengthened by including sources in foreign languages. There is no appeal to the opponents due to the lack of proper theoretical and methodological elaboration of the article. The author has only summarized several works devoted to the problem of technological sovereignty, without paying due attention to the opposite points of view.
GENERAL CONCLUSION: the article proposed for review at this stage of its preparation cannot be qualified as a scientific work that meets the basic requirements for works of this kind. The author did not carry out the necessary theoretical and methodological work, which "suspended" his conclusions in the air; in addition, the text is replete with stylistic, grammatical and terminological errors. All this combined forced the reviewer to make a decision to recommend the article for revision. In general, the topic chosen by the author for the study is very relevant, the results obtained will be of potential interest to the community of political scientists, sociologists, specialists in the field of public administration, as well as for students of the listed specialties. The presented material corresponds to the subject of the journal "Law and Politics" and after appropriate revision can be recommended for publication.

Second Peer Review

Peer reviewers' evaluations remain confidential and are not disclosed to the public. Only external reviews, authorized for publication by the article's author(s), are made public. Typically, these final reviews are conducted after the manuscript's revision. Adhering to our double-blind review policy, the reviewer's identity is kept confidential.
The list of publisher reviewers can be found here.

An article submitted for review on the topic: "The issue of technological sovereignty in the 21st century: the concept, peculiarity and experience of China" is devoted to the study of the actual problem of technological sovereignty of states in modern political science. Our analysis of the quantitative and qualitative indicators of the article allows us to draw the following conclusions. As we believe, the article, according to the style of presentation of the material and the absence of some components of the scientific article, is most likely not strictly scientific in nature, but more popular science. In this regard, it is quite problematic to determine the level of its scientific value for political science. The article lacks a statement of the purpose and objectives of the study, as well as methodological tools. Nevertheless, despite this circumstance, the article is quite logical and it traces a certain author's design of the study. The article is structured and sections are highlighted in it. When preparing the article, the authors used a fairly large number of sources and literature from different years, including foreign sources. Relevant links have been made to them. Unfortunately, it should be noted that there is no scientific discussion or its individual elements in the article. The article is largely descriptive, sometimes informative in nature. However, an attempt on the part of the author/s of the article to pose a controversial problem in the article should be positively noted. In particular, we are talking about the fact that the author/s considers technological development as a threat to the political and economic sovereignty of modern states. The topic is revealed in detail on multiple successful examples of technological development in different countries, primarily the United States, China, the European Union, etc. The emphasis is mainly on the experience of China. However, it should be noted that the article also presents many American projects that are comparable in volume to the experience of China. Perhaps this should be reflected in the title of the article. We believe that the article does not contain enough references to the examples and practices given, which makes it difficult to resolve issues of verification of some statements and data presented in the article. The analysis of the state of theoretical developments in modern political science of such concepts and categories as "sovereignty", "political sovereignty", "economic sovereignty", etc. presented in the article should be positively noted. Also, the use of doctrinal documents on information security issues in the article, as well as relevant legislation mainly related to information security issues, deserves a positive assessment. The article draws the necessary conclusions. Thus, based on the above, we believe that the article is on the topic: "The issue of technological sovereignty in the 21st century: the concept, peculiarity and experience of China", in general, meets the necessary criteria for this type of work and it can qualify for publication in the desired scientific journal.