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Reference:

Changing Russian Presidential Discourse on the example of Putin's inaugural speeches: results of quantitative content analysis

Voronin Vsevolod Alekseevich

Student; Faculty of Political Science; St. Petersburg State University

198510, Russia, Saint Petersburg, Smolny str., 1/3

sevvy@inbox.ru
Voronov Aleksei Vital'evich

Student; Faculty of Psychology; St. Petersburg State University

5/6 Belysheva str., Saint Petersburg, Russia, 193313

3563alex@gmail.com

DOI:

10.7256/2454-0684.2024.2.71182

EDN:

XADZGM

Received:

30-06-2024


Published:

07-07-2024


Abstract: This article examines V. V. Putin's discourse from the point of view of its semantic content – the values voiced by the president, a view on the further development of the country, setting goals, etc. The object of the study is the inaugural speeches of the President of Russia, and the subject is the narrative aspect of these speeches. The article hypothesizes that the semantic accents in the inaugural speeches of the head of state changed in accordance with the domestic and foreign policy situation and in later speeches became more focused on foreign policy problems, as well as had a more conservative orientation. The purpose of the work is to identify changes in the narrative aspect of Vladimir Putin's inaugural speeches and evaluate them in the context of changes in the political situation in the country and the world. During the research, methods such as quantitative content analysis (performed separately for each text), comparative analysis, and graphical modeling were used. The authors concluded that over time, the presidential discourse considered on the example of inaugural speeches has undergone significant semantic changes. The share of values characteristic of conservative ideology has become higher in later speeches. At the same time, the presence of liberal democratic narratives in recent speeches has been minimal. The President's speeches have become more focused on global foreign policy issues, as well as security issues. The authors associate these changes with changes in the country's foreign and domestic policy. In the 2000s, it is necessary to build a free democratic society, as well as solve the problems of poverty and terrorism. However, after overcoming these problems, the state and the president are faced with the tasks of maintaining living standards, maintaining power and opposing Western countries. All this was reflected in V. V. Putin's rhetoric.


Keywords:

Content analysis, discourse, Russia, President, inaugural address, values, goals, unity, stability, history

This article is automatically translated. You can find original text of the article here.

Introduction

Over the past 30 years, the economic and political orientation of Russia's development has changed more than once. One of the indicators of changes in the direction of the country's policy is the power discourse, reflecting the ideological sentiments in society and the state. An important part of it is the speeches of the head of state, which make up the presidential discourse. The inaugural speech is one of the most significant addresses of the head of state to citizens and an important part of the general presidential rhetoric. In it, the head of the country speaks about the main tasks and goals facing the state, designates the value and ideological basis, along which the planned changes should take place [1]. Such speeches are widely covered both in traditional media and on the Internet, which has become an important channel of political discourse [2]. Thus, the inaugural address is a political, social and economic concept for the further development of the country [3]. This study examines all of Vladimir Putin's inaugural speeches.

The object of the study is V. Putin's inaugural speeches, and the subject is their value-practical content. Stylistic and speech techniques are not considered in the President's addresses. The research is aimed at identifying the main narratives appearing in speech or specific semantic units denoting these narratives. Content analysis was chosen as the main research method, which allows us to determine the main topics [4] touched upon by the speaker (author) by counting semantic units. Unlike critical discourse analysis, which is more politicized [5], content analysis helps to build an unbiased picture of reality. The current procedure was aimed at highlighting the main explicit and hidden semantic elements related to the development of the country (ways, methods, conditions, etc.) appearing in the texts of speeches under consideration. The sample includes all the inaugural speeches of the current Russian president – 2000 [6], 2004 [7], 2012 [8], 2018 [9] and 2024 [10]. A comparative method and graphical modeling were used to identify specific changes in the President's discourse. The analysis was carried out taking into account the historical factor, because at different stages of its development in the XXI century, Russia faced different challenges. In addition, the political and socio-economic conditions in which the country was located were also changing, which could not but affect the speeches of the head of state.

The following hypothesis was put forward: The semantic accents in the president's inaugural speeches changed from liberal-democratic to conservative-authoritative ones.

The hypothesis is based on the following assumptions:

  • The proportion of narratives characteristic of collectivist and historical discourse has increased in later speeches
  • The proportion of narratives characteristic of liberal and democratic discourse has decreased in later speeches
  • The share of narratives denoting foreign policy issues has increased in later speeches
  • The share of hidden meanings emphasizing the need for unity in a difficult situation increased in later speeches

During the content analysis of the speeches, 4 main groups of key concepts (categories) were identified:

· "The name of Russia" (what words did Vladimir Putin use when referring to the country);

· "Name of the population" (which ones were used when referring to the population);

· "Values";

· "Goals and development".

The first two categories, presumably, carry a hidden meaningful meaning and are auxiliary. In the case of the name of the country, such names as "Fatherland", "Fatherland", "Homeland", etc. carry an emotional expression of attitude towards the country and are used in speeches and texts most often during serious political challenges. The words "Russia", "country", "state", etc. were classified as neutral names, since their use does not carry the same emotional connotation. Semantic units containing references to the population were divided according to the form of designation – collective or non-collective. If non-collective forms ("citizens", "people", etc.) are, as in the case of the first category, rather neutral, then words such as "people" and "nation" are intended to demonstrate the unity of all citizens, to present them as something whole. The categories of "Values" and "Goals and development" have included more explicit words and expressions. In addition to categories, there were also subcategories that combined groups of similar statements, phrases and individual words. To determine the importance of subcategories, their share in relation to the entire category was calculated.

The main part

Speeches of 2000 and 2004

Putin's inaugural speeches in 2000 and 2004 are a reflection of the difficult socio-economic and political situation in the state. Poverty and terrorism remain the main unresolved problems of Russia at the turn of the century. In addition, the country faces the task of building a just and democratic state [11]. The first two speeches of the president under consideration are filled with meanings related to this situation. The president often talks about a better life. But if in the first speech the president's expression is more abstract ("I am convinced that you voted ... for a better life"), then in the second speech the president speaks more specifically and focuses on improving the standard of living: "a better quality of life for our people", "growth of their well-being", etc. In addition, in the second In his speech, Vladimir Putin pays great attention to economic growth and the development of the social sphere – both past successes and plans for the future: "he created the foundations for the growth of economic potential", "So that people in Russia could receive good education, decent social and medical care", etc. The emphasis on socio-economic development is the main difference of the second speeches from the first. The main similarity of the speeches lies in the presence of motives for stability and security related to both terrorist threats and other domestic political "shocks". At the same time, as in the case of the standard of living, in the 2004 speech the president's expressions are more specific: "fought for territorial integrity", "stopped the aggression of international terrorism", "Saved the country from the real threat of disintegration". The 2000 speech contains general phrases: "the most important element of political stability", "the government elected by the people ... protected the Russian citizen." Also, in the first speech, to a greater extent than in the second, the theme of the country's strength appears. Both speeches develop the theme of Russia's position in the international arena and international cooperation with other states. The subcategory "general concepts" includes the most abstract phrases of the president related to achieving success, prosperity, etc. Moreover, the proportion of such expressions in the first speech is much higher than in the second: "we will be able to change our lives for the better," "for a prosperous ... Russia," etc.

The value content of Putin's first two inaugural speeches is collective. On the one hand, Russia is building democracy and developing in a liberal direction: "supreme power in the country is transferred in the most democratic, simplest way, according to the will of the people", "The path to a free society", "Building a democratic state", "made our Homeland an open country", "real multiparty system developed, personal freedoms were strengthened citizens." However, at the same time, the president's speeches are filled with collectivist motives and the theme of unity: "for our common goals", "to unite the people of Russia", "We overcame a difficult ideological confrontation", "fought ... for the unity of the country". The ratio of the two main value messages in the first speech is slightly more in favor of collectivism, and in the second their shares in the category of "values" turned out to be the same. The President also emphasizes the prestigious position of the state: "... who created the Russian state, defended its dignity, made it great," "This greatness must be reinforced," etc. The head of state connects this greatness with the history of the country: "Here, within the walls of the Kremlin, the history of our country has been accomplished for centuries," etc. In the first speech, the historical narrative in the category of "values" made up a quarter of the total number of semantic units, in the second – a tenth. Another difference in the second speech is the attention paid by V. Putin to the need for the development of civil society. Several percent of both speeches were occupied by phrases emphasizing legal ("checking the constitutional system") and moral values ("I will work openly and honestly"), which concerned not only citizens, but also became part of the president's self-presentation. Both speeches contain a meaning highlighting the value of peace and peaceful life: "Peaceful succession of power", "could be proud of the authority ... of a peace-loving country", etc.

Speech of 2012

V. Putin's inaugural address in 2012 is the most "vague" in terms of content in ideological terms. At the same time, plans for the further development of the socio-economic sphere and the development of democracy were combined at that moment with the need to maintain stability [12]. On the one hand, the president continues to reflect in line with liberal democratic values ("strengthen Russian democracy, constitutional rights and freedoms, expand citizen participation in the government of the country," etc.), but also emphasizes the importance of national unity and the collectivist basis of Russian society ("We will achieve our goals if we are a united, united people" etc.). To a slightly lesser extent, his speech contains expressions and words from other subcategories highlighted in the analysis of the first two speeches, but the number of semantic units concerning morality and morality has increased markedly: "if each of us lives according to conscience, with faith and love for the Motherland," etc. In the first of his inaugural In his speeches, Vladimir Putin speaks about the importance of traditions: "We will rely on the solid foundation of the cultural and spiritual traditions of our multinational people." However, in his third inaugural speech there are no sentences and just individual phrases dedicated to peaceful life. This can be explained by the fact that in 2012 Russia no longer faced the problem of war.

V. Putin's view on the further development of the country is similar to the first two speeches – the president continues to talk about the country's position in the world ("to become leaders and the center of gravity of the whole of Eurasia"), its strength ("they believed in themselves, in their strength, strengthened the country") and security ("Its interests, security"), focuses on improving the standard of living of the population ("... real success in creating ... modern standards of living"). But the shares of these subcategories turned out to be smaller due to the large number of common phrases about development, as in the first speech: "We will definitely succeed," "everyone's desire for a better life was embodied in working together for the prosperity of the whole country," etc.

Speech of 2018

This inaugural speech stands out, in comparison with previous ones, primarily because the liberal democratic message is becoming a third-rate one. Collectivist rhetoric retains its significance in the new text: "invincible unity", "hard work that will require the participation of the entire Russian society", "It is in harmonious unity", etc. Much attention is paid to the history of the country in the speech: "you can not break away from your own roots, from your history," "respect and continue the history of our Fatherland," "our older generations carried through their entire lives," etc. The rest of the value message is quite similar to the previous speech of the president under consideration. At the same time, it should be noted that the President's speech returns semantic units dedicated to the importance of peaceful life: "with all states in the interests of peace", "for its present and future – peaceful ..." Putin also mentions negative phenomena that arise or may arise in society: "But history does not forgive only one thing – indifference and inconsistency, relaxation and complacency," "rejects injustice, inertia, dense protection and bureaucratic deadness."

The rhetoric of the head of state, dedicated to the successes achieved and future development, is more specific in comparison with the speech of 2012. The share of general concepts and phrases about success and prosperity is almost halved, but a new subcategory appears, which includes phrases emphasizing the need for continuous progressive changes: "Russia must be modern and dynamic," "perceives everything new and everything advanced," "improving competitiveness in those areas that determine the future," etc. D. At the same time, many elements of the narratives that appeared in previous speeches are preserved. There is a noticeable increase in semantic units related to international cooperation, because even the moral support of states for each other becomes an important element of governance [13], especially during a period of obvious geopolitical demarcation.

Speech of 2024

On the one hand, this performance is noticeably different from the others. The main factor that determined the changes in V. Putin's rhetoric was most likely the armed conflict with Ukraine and the difficult situation in relations with the Western community. On the other hand, the president continued to carry out the rhetoric that could be traced in the speech of 2018. The share of semantic units characteristic of the liberal democratic narrative dropped to the lowest value in the entire category of "values". On the contrary, the importance of collectivist meanings has grown significantly. The topic of unity and cohesion is raised even more often: "The consolidated will of millions of people," "a deep understanding of our common historical goals," "the results of this work depend crucially on our unity and cohesion," etc. As in his previous speech, the head of state talks about the history, greatness of the country, self-realization of citizens, traditions, legal and moral norms. The anti-values highlighted by the president are those principles that Russia and Russian society are not guided by or should not and would not like to be guided by: "But not from a position of strength, without any arrogance, swagger and one's own exclusivity."

In the president's rhetoric concerning the goals and development of the country, the main meanings, in addition to general concepts and appeals, were words about problems on the world stage, in particular, criticism of Western countries ("do they intend to continue trying to restrain the development of Russia, continue the policy of aggression, incessant pressure on our country for years, or look for a way to cooperation and peace", "we will continue to work on the formation of a multipolar world order", etc.); as well as the topics of national defense ("striving to benefit the Fatherland, protect it"), security ("conversation, including on security issues, strategic stability, is possible") and the need for renewal ("create conditions to upgrade and move forward"). And much less attention is paid to improving the quality of life and socio-economic rhetoric.

A notable difference from the 2018 speech here is how the president represents the international arena for Russians. If in 2018 all countries are "partners" to one degree or another, then in 6 years there is a clear dichotomy between countries that are building a multipolar world and those that oppose and restrain the development of Russia. Such a division of "we-they" is currently an important element of identity politics [14], which is defined by many peoples, states and even unions.

It is also necessary to mention two categories that have not been considered in the analysis before – "the name of Russia" and "names of the population". Stylistically neutral names prevailed in the first category each time, but their share decreased almost every time, and in 2023 remained at about the same level as in 2018. In the case of the names of the population addressed by the president, the same trend is not observed – each time the share of one or the other category increases in comparison with the last speech. However, in 4 out of 5 speeches, non-collective designations prevail.

A summary table of the results of quantitative content analysis is presented below (Table 1). The calculation of the share of the subcategory is calculated as a% of the total number of semantic units in the category.

Year

2000

2004

2012

2018

2024

Name of Russia

Stylistically neutral

92,6

88,9

78,9

75,6

75,9

Stylistically emotionally colored

7,4

11,1

21,1

24,4

24,1

Name of the population

Not a collective

66,7

71,4

46,2

92,3

70,6

Collective

33,3

28,6

53,8

7,7

29,4

Values

Liberal Democrats

18,8

20

17,9

6,7

2

Collectivist

25

20

25

20

32,7

Power and prestige

12,5

15

10,7

5,3

6,1

Citizenship and self-realization

3,1

15

7,1

5,3

6,1

The history of the country

25

10

7,1

21,3

16,3

Traditions

0

0

3,6

4

6,1

Legal

6,3

5

3,6

1,3

2

Moral and ethical

3,1

5

25

22,7

16,3

Peaceful life

6,3

10

0

2,7

2

Anti-values

0

0

0

10,7

10,2

Goals and development

Improving the standard of living

10

20

4,8

5,6

5,3

Socio-economic development and demography

0

30

28,6

20,4

5,3

Power

20

5

4,8

7,4

5,3

The situation in the international arena and foreign policy

10

15

9,5

13

18,4

Equality (in the field of international relations)

0

0

0

0

7,9

Stability and security

20

20

9,5

9,3

21,1

Modernization and the ability to change

0

0

0

22,2

7,9

National defense

0

0

0

0

7,9

General concepts

40

10

42,9

22,2

21,1

Table 1 Summary table of content analysis of V. Putin's inaugural speeches

Conclusions

Consideration of V. Putin's inaugural speeches makes it possible to analyze and evaluate changes in their content. On the one hand, there are those semantic units that invariably appeared in the speeches of the president and occupied a large share within their semantic categories. But there were also those whose share was declining or showed unstable dynamics. There were also those meanings that did not immediately appear in the president's speeches. They could be a reflection of the changes in Russian politics and discourse that took place already in the 2010s and 2020s.

In the category of "values", the three main subcategories that are most common and illustrate the most obvious dynamics can be called liberal democratic, conservative and historical narratives (Fig. 1).

Figure 1. Change in the share of liberal democratic, collectivist and historical narratives in the total number of semantic units of the "values" category (in %)

The share of liberal democratic meanings gradually decreased, which cannot be attributed to the fact that democratization in Russia slowed down significantly and already in the second term of V. Putin's presidency, more authoritarian tendencies began to manifest themselves in the political system [15]. However, for some time these meanings still remained in the Russian power discourse. The proportion of collectivist semantic units has always remained at a high level. The most controversial trend is in the subcategory "History". The appeal to the past is actively used in the difficult and unstable year 2000, but as the situation improves, the share of this narrative decreases. And in 2018, references to the past are gaining weight again.

Figure 2. Change in the share of narratives devoted to socio-economic development, foreign policy, stability and security in the total number of semantic units of the "goals and development" category (in %)

In the category "goals and development", 3 main subcategories can also be distinguished – socio-economic development, stability and security, as well as the international situation and foreign policy. The topic of socio-economic development becomes most important in 2004 and 2012, when this development has the highest rates (in the first case, it is a way out of poverty in the 1990s, in the second - a rapid recovery after the crisis of 2008-2009). Stability and security, which the population needed in the 2000s, in the relatively calm and peaceful 2010s, it fades into the background, but during the period of hostilities, the share of this subcategory grows again. The share of mentions of foreign policy issues also increases sharply during the period of the CBA. In 2024, "foreign policy" included two similar subcategories at once, the dichotomy of which was rather procedural in nature – "The situation in the international arena and foreign policy" and "Equality in international relations".

Thus, the increase in the share of such subcategories as "collectivism", "history", as well as "stability and security", etc. suggests that the president's discourse, viewed through the prism of his inaugural speeches, was becoming more conservative. It is the conservative ideology, first of all, based on the principles of order, patriotism (and other forms of national unity), as well as appeals to the past and historical and cultural continuity [16]. In addition, due to the deterioration of relations with the West, the president's attention to foreign policy issues has increased.

Speaking about the first two auxiliary categories, it is worth noting that, despite the initial assumption that, thanks to collective nouns denoting the country's population, the president seeks to rally the people, it turned out to be insufficiently substantiated. And the dynamics showing a gradual increase in the share of emotionally colored names of the country, although it demonstrated a steady trend, still does not explain why, for example, in difficult 2000, the president called Russia more formally than in prosperous 2012.

Turning to the beginning of the work, the following conclusion can be drawn: the hypothesis put forward was fully confirmed, despite the fact that the last assumption was only partially confirmed, since all the others turned out to be correct. The semantic accents in the president's inaugural speeches underwent serious changes, and the changes in the placement of accents can be represented as a movement from the more liberal rhetoric of President V. Putin over time to a more conservative one.

References
1. Gavrilova, M. V. (2009). Inaugural speech: an ideal project of the case and the ideological basis for uniting society. Political Science, 4, 138-156.
2. Myasnikov A.I., Vorobyov M., & Prokhorov A.V. (2024) Internet discourse of modern socio-political movements as a way of self-presentation (using the example of the Yellow Vests movement). Bulletin of the SSS of St. Petersburg State University. Series: Social sciences, 1.
3. Khismatullina, L. G., Garifullina, D. B., & Gimadeeva, A. A. (2019). Inaugural speech as a tool for forming the speech portrait of the president. Humanities and Social Sciences, 6, 231-240.
4. Pashinyan, I. A. (2012). Content analysis as a research method: advantages and limitations. Scientific Periodicals: Problems and Solutions, 3(9), 13-18.
5. Koshkin, A. (2021). Critical discourse analysis as an example of a politicized approach in political science. Generation PP. Appendix to the journal "Public Policy", 1(4), 226-234.
6. Inaugural speech of Vladimir Putin on May 7, 2000. (2000, May 7). "Moskovskie Novosti". Retrieved from https://www.mn.ru/blogs/blog_reference/80928
7. Inaugural speech of Vladimir Putin on May 7, 2004. (2004, May 7). "Moskovskie Novosti". Retrieved from https://www.mn.ru/blogs/blog_reference/80930
8. Transcript of Putin and Medvedev's speech at the presidential inauguration. (2012, May 7). "Rossiyskaya Gazeta". Retrieved from https://rg.ru/2012/05/07/stenogramma.html
9. Transcript: Vladimir Putin's speech at the ceremony of taking office as President of Russia. (2018, May 7). "Rossiyskaya Gazeta". Retrieved from https://rg.ru/2018/05/07/stenogramma-vladimir-putin-vstupil-v-dolzhnost-prezidenta-rossii.html
10. Vladimir Putin took office as President of Russia. Video and transcript. (2024, May 7). "Rossiyskaya Gazeta". Retrieved from https://rg.ru/2024/05/07/vladimir-putin-vstupil-v-dolzhnost-prezidenta-rossii-video-i-stenogramma.html
11. Degoev, V. V., & Ibragimov, R. Y. (2007). Russia under Putin: Acquisitions, Concerns, Hopes. Moscow: Publishing House "IMPERIUM XXI vek".
12. Grishaeva, O. N. (2017). The main periods of development of the institution of the presidency in the Russian Federation. Filo Ariadne, 4(8), 26-33.
13. Smorgunov, L. V. (2017). State, cooperation and inclusive economic growth. Power, 25(11), 22-30.
14. Popova, O. V. (2016). The basic matrix of state identity policy in modern Russia. In T.A. Senyushkina & A.V. Baranov (Eds.), Political Space and Social Time (pp. 160-165). Yalta: Limited Liability Company "Publishing House Printing House "Arial".
15. Popov, A. P. (2007). Transformation of the political regime in modern Russia. Izvestiya of Altai State University, 4-1(56), 152-154.
16. Karipov, B. N. (2009). Conservatism: concept, genesis, essence and features. Bulletin of Moscow University. Series 12: Political Sciences, 1, 90-105.

First Peer Review

Peer reviewers' evaluations remain confidential and are not disclosed to the public. Only external reviews, authorized for publication by the article's author(s), are made public. Typically, these final reviews are conducted after the manuscript's revision. Adhering to our double-blind review policy, the reviewer's identity is kept confidential.
The list of publisher reviewers can be found here.

The subject of the peer-reviewed study is semantic shifts in V.V. Putin's inaugural speeches. Given the programmatic significance of these speeches, as well as the fact that Vladimir Putin remains in power and continues to significantly influence the policy, the relevance of the topic chosen by the author for research should be recognized as quite high. The research methodology also seems to be quite adequate to the set goals and objectives. In addition to the not very clear "graphical" method, the author declares the use of content analysis as the main method, as well as comparative and historical ones as additional ones. At the same time, the author clearly abuses the term "narrative" (in fact, identifying it with the term "semantic unit", especially when using the terms "narrative words and expressions"), following the new humanitarian fashion for this word, just as recently there was a fashion for the word "message", and a little earlier – for the word "discourse," etc. Nevertheless, in general, the described methodology is applied quite correctly, which allowed the author to obtain results that have signs of scientific novelty and reliability. First of all, we are talking about the revealed semantic shift in V.V. Putin's program inaugural speeches that have occurred over the past decades. Despite the fact that this topic has been raised and investigated repeatedly in scientific publications and in journalism, the author of the reviewed article showed how the value and conceptual content in V.V. Putin's speeches changed based on specific empirical material. But as for the author's claim to identify some kind of connection between the content of the president's speeches and foreign and domestic political events, on the one hand, the assumption of the existence of such a connection is banal, but on the other hand, this is exactly what the author failed to prove - the inaugural speech is too rare to talk about any statistical connections and Therefore, it can be assumed that the author will continue his research on a more extensive empirical material, taking as a basis the pool of all or most of V.V. Putin's speeches from 2000 to 2024 and comparing the content of these speeches with the domestic and foreign policy agenda. Structurally, the reviewed article is also flawed. On the one hand, its logic is quite consistent and reflects the main points of the conducted research. The following sections are highlighted in the text: - "Introduction", where a scientific problem is posed and its relevance is argued; - "Methodology", where for some reason the object and subject of the study are described (why was it necessary to highlight this section at all, instead of discussing all the issues of this section in the "Introduction"?), the methodological choice is described and argued, as well as the hypotheses (namely, in the plural!) of the study; - "Procedure" – for some reason, it is also allocated to a separate section, although this usually refers to the methodological part; - The "main part", which is divided into four subsections by the years of V.V. Putin's inaugural speeches: 2000 and 2004; 2012; 2018 and 2024; - "Conclusions", which summarizes the results of the study, draws conclusions and outlines prospects for further research. As you can see, the structure of the reviewed work is quite consistent. But on the other hand, the author of a small article put forward as many as 5 hypotheses, which would be justified for a monograph and a doctoral dissertation. At the same time, the second and third hypotheses actually speak about the same thing (about the gradual reduction of liberal and the growth of conservative content in V.V. Putin's inaugural speeches), the fourth also repeats the first. It would be much more logical to single out one hypothesis, revealing it in two or three sentences. That's usually how it's done. The style of the article is generally scientific. There are a number of stylistic errors in the text (for example, repetitions of words – in the first four sentences the word "discourse" occurs four times; etc.), but in general it is written quite competently, in acceptable Russian, with the correct use of scientific terminology. Although some terms are questionable (the abuse of the term "narrative" has already been mentioned above, and the expressions "designation of Russia" and "designation of the population" also do not look perfect). There are also some conceptual strains and factual errors. Thus, the author's "public and authoritative discourse" "reflects the ideological sentiments in the state." Even if we ignore the controversial term "ideological sentiments", why are these "sentiments" localized in the state and not in society? Such statism has long been outlived in the social sciences, and society is still considered the basic category. The bibliography includes 15 titles and adequately reflects the state of research on the subject of the article, although it could be strengthened by referring to sources in foreign languages. There is no appeal to opponents, but it is not necessary for this type of article. Among the advantages of the article, we can separately mention the author's use of illustrative material (two figures and a table), which significantly improve the perception of the text. GENERAL CONCLUSION: the article proposed for review, despite some of its shortcomings, can be qualified as a scientific work that meets the basic requirements for works of this kind. Most of the results obtained by the author have signs of scientific novelty and reliability and will be of interest to political scientists, sociologists, specialists in the field of media and PR, public administration, as well as for students of the listed specialties. The presented material corresponds to the topic of the journal "Politics and Society". According to the results of the review, the article is recommended for publication.

Second Peer Review

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This study is based on one of the issues relevant to modern political science, namely, the analysis of modern political discourse on the example of official speeches by public figures - in this case, on the example of content analysis of the inaugural speeches of the President of the Russian Federation Vladimir Vladimirovich Putin. The relevance of this study is due to the fact that the vectors of modern international and domestic policy have changed over the past 30 years. This was largely due to the negative pressure that Western countries and the NATO bloc exerted on Russia, a number of "color" revolutions in Europe and Asia, and the situation in Ukraine. In addition to the inaugural speeches, there are a number of public speeches that are very significant in terms of value and meaning to indicate the political situation and agenda, these include the President's Messages to the Federal Assembly, joint statements during international meetings and negotiations, other speeches on an individual occasion, as well as written publications by the President on a particular international issue. In this article, the author refers specifically to the inaugural speech as an instrument through which the value and ideological basis of the modern Russian state is designated (which, as it should be noted, adheres to the principle of ideological neutrality in accordance with the Constitution). The author tries to trace the dynamics and transformation of Russia's political vector using the example of V.V. Putin's speeches, which seems to be very significant and relevant in the context of events taking place on the world stage. In 2024, the next presidential elections of the Russian Federation took place, which took place at a completely unique geopolitical time, therefore, the analysis of the last speech during the inauguration, together with other political and legal documents, strategies, concepts and doctrines, will allow us to form an idea of the key value axes of modern Russia, the prospects for its development in the coming decades. In the introduction, the author describes the relevance of the research quite broadly and in detail, identifies its object and subject, target setting, tasks and key hypotheses. The main ideological concepts were "sewn" into hypotheses, namely such components of discourse (narratives) such as "collectivism", "historicism", "liberal and democratic" narratives, "foreign policy", "unity and patriotism" and so on. From a methodological point of view, content analysis was chosen in conjunction with the formal method of analyzing political documents, and 4 main categories of analysis were identified: "the name of Russia", "the name of the population", "values", "goals and development" - which seems to be very reasonable for the set research goal. The interpretative basis of the research is based on the fundamental works of Russian researchers devoted to the discourse and content analysis of public policy. At the same time, I would like to note as a big and significant drawback of this publication that the author completely ignores the works of mastodons analyzing modern political discourse and modern politics, such as O.Y. Malinova and O.V. Kryshtanovskaya, they are not even mentioned in the list of references, although their work in this field is very authoritative and significant. At the same time, there is absolutely no doubt that this article will arouse the genuine interest of readers of the journal "Politics and Society". It is performed at a fairly high scientific level, it contains significant elements of scientific novelty, and in practical terms it can be used as a support for future research, both political and legal documents and public speeches by the first political figures of Russia. The article can be recommended for publication without making significant corrections.