Interior Minister A.A. Makarov and the newspaper campaign against Grigory Rasputin in public opinion (January-March 1912)

Sichev Nikolai Fedorovich Postgraduate student; Faculty of History; Moscow State University 119234, Russia, Moscow, Leninskie Gory str., 1, sq. B1324 n.sichev@yandex.ru

Introduction

Alexander Alexandrovich Makarov found himself at the post of Minister of Internal Affairs in conditions of increasing tension in the domestic political situation in the country. The death of Prime Minister P.A. Stolypin did not change the government's course, but the cabinet itself at that time was not particularly unanimous in its implementation. In addition, the new prime minister, V.N. Kokovtsov, did not possess significant oratorical abilities and political will and, accordingly, experienced serious difficulties in defending the government's policy in front of public opinion. Obviously, such a state of power could not but affect the actions of political parties in the light of the upcoming election campaign.

The leader of the October 17 Union, A.I. Guchkov, had at that time the most advantageous "starting positions" for the implementation of his party's election strategy. Hiding behind the name of the late Stolypin and using the reputation of the leader of a moderate party in his views, he led a consistent campaign against the supreme power. It consisted of separate attacks, the main purpose of which, apparently, was a strong public outcry designed to convince the educated part of the empire's population of the inability of the supreme power to lead the country along the path of modernization. And if the emperor and the government managed to find a decent answer to the accusation against the security department for organizing the assassination of P.A. Stolypin, then Guchkov's next attack had much greater consequences for the authorities and, in particular, had the most direct impact on the reputation of A.A. Makarov.

This time, Grigory Rasputin became the target of the Octobrist leader. At the end of 1911, he came into conflict with the Saratov bishop Hermogenes (Dolganev), who was soon removed from the Holy Synod and sent to his see. However, the bishop refused to return to his diocese, explaining this decision of the sovereign by the "machinations of Rasputin." On January 17, the emperor sent Hermogenes to rest, and designated the Zhirovitsky Desert as his place of residence. At this time, the first harsh materials appeared in the newspapers, affecting not only Rasputin, but also criticizing the Church. Russian Word published an article under the heading "Lilliputians", the author of which defined current events as "a war between Lilliputians of militant clericalism" ^[2]. M.O. Menshikov in the article "Rasputitsa in the Church" stood up for Bishop Hermogenes: "Yes, he is very inconvenient, as a simple bishop, as a member of the Synod, but maybe that's why it is inconvenient, because the real master of the church speaks in it..." ^[24]. This was the beginning of a broad newspaper campaign against the current state of affairs surrounded by the supreme power. Interior Minister A.A. Makarov had not only to stop the publication of such materials, but also to calm public opinion.

The history of studying the problem

Interest in the study of the "Rasputin theme" as one of the reasons for Makarov's resignation was first identified in Russian historiography in the 1960s in the works of A.Ya. Avrekh^[1]. In the monograph "Tsarism and the Third June system", the researcher came to the conclusion that Makarov's fall was entirely due to his tactical blunder against Rasputin, bearing in mind the minister's external inaction regarding the newspaper campaign against the "elder". Nevertheless, Avrekh claimed that the real target of the campaign around Rasputin was not Makarov at all, but Prime Minister Kokovtsov. V.S. Dyakin expressed a different point of view in his writings, explaining Makarov's resignation by the general strengthening of right-wing tendencies in the Duma and, thereby, reducing the role of the "Rasputin" factor ^[19]. In modern historiography, there is a tendency to study this problem in the context of other subjects, which is clearly seen in A.N. Varlamov's book dedicated to Grigory Rasputin ^[3]. In it, the author, largely relying on sources of personal origin, reconstructs a fairly detailed picture of the events of the first months of 1912, but does not come to any specific conclusion on the above problem. The monograph by F.A. Gaida links the newspaper campaign against Rasputin with the development of the election strategy of the Union of October 17 party ^[8]. At the same time, the researcher is not inclined to consider Rasputin the culprit for the further resignation of Makarov, which occurred several months after these events. Thus, despite the fact that the study of the "Rasputin theme" as the reasons for Makarov's resignation from the post of Interior Minister was conducted in the context of other plots, we can talk about the formation of separate points of view on this problem.

Inquiry in the Duma

A.A. Makarov's tenure as Minister of Internal Affairs turned out to be short, but very full of various political events. The first of these was the newspaper campaign against Rasputin, which unfolded in a number of periodicals in January and March 1912. In Soviet historiography, it was believed that it was at this moment that Makarov made his first serious tactical blunder, unable to avoid a scandal on his own. In the sources, a similar opinion is found in the memoirs of V.I. Gurko, who claimed that "Makarov was the Minister of Internal Affairs for a relatively short time, as I have already said, without noting his tenure at the head of the internal policy of the state. He stumbled on the same Rasputin" ^[15].

On the evening of January 25, 1912, a hasty request was submitted to the Ministry of Internal Affairs in the State Duma on the initiative of the Octobrists. The reason for it was the confiscation by the General Directorate for Press Affairs No. 19 of the newspaper Golos Moskvy, where a letter to the editor signed by the famous religious publicist Mikhail Novoselov was published under the heading "The Voice of an Orthodox Layman". This text contained a sharp criticism of Rasputin's personality: "Quousque tandem abutere patientia nostra. These indignant words involuntarily burst out of the chest of Orthodox Russian people at the address of the cunning conspirator against the shrine, the church and the vile molester of human souls and bodies, Grigory Rasputin, who boldly hides behind this very church shrine" ^[12]. At the same time, the main topic of the letter seems to be a direct appeal to the Holy Synod and the bishops, who in one way or another oppose the figure of Rasputin. The author unequivocally reproaches them for inaction and connivance with the actions of the "elder": "As long as, indeed, the Holy Synod, in front of which this criminal tragicomedy has been played out by this crook for several years, will remain silent and inactive. Why does he remain silent and inactive when the Divine commandment – to protect the flock from predatory wolves – seemed to have an irresistible force in the hearts of the archpastors, called upon to "rule the word of truth." Why are the bishops silent, who are well aware of the activities of the brazen deceiver and molester" ^[12]. At the end of the letter, Novoselov declares his readiness to submit to the Synod the necessary evidence of his assessment of Rasputin's personality.

It should be noted that excerpts from the above letter were published by No. 50 of the newspaper "Evening Time", which also led to the subsequent confiscation of this issue. However, the initiators of the request drew the deputies' special attention not to the fact of the confiscation of newspaper issues, but to the way the authorities influenced the press. "It turned out that previously the editors of these newspapers, as well as other newspapers in St. Petersburg and Moscow, were demanded by representatives of the higher administration not to print anything about the famous Grigory Rasputin. Recognizing that such a method of influencing the freedom of the press, accompanied by those characteristic measures that have found application in relation to these newspapers, are unlawful actions on the part of agents of the Ministry of Internal Affairs ..." - stated in the text of the request ^{[13, p.1014]}. Moreover, as follows from the wording of the request, these measures of influence on the part of the authorities are recognized as illegal: "1) Is the Minister of Internal Affairs aware that representatives of the administration demanded newspaper editors in St. Petersburg and Moscow not to write anything about Grigory Rasputin and that failure to comply with this requirement resulted in the confiscation of newspapers and bringing editors to justice; 2) If it is known, what measures have been taken by him to restore legal order" ^{[13, p.1014]}. This was followed by a discussion of the urgency of the request, culminating in a speech by A.I. Guchkov, which was a great success among deputies. The leader of the Octobrists convinced the Duma that the newspapers were only doing their duty and voicing those things that have long been discussed in society. "Why is the voice of the hierarchs silent, why is the state power inactive? And then it is a patriotic duty, the duty of the independent press service and the duty of our conscience, the duty of the conscience of the people's representation, to raise our voice, to give an outcome to the public indignation that is accumulating in the country," Guchkov proclaimed to the approving voices from the audience ^{[13, p.1014]}. Interestingly, the speaker demanded to avoid all kinds of investigations and discussions on the confiscation of newspapers, insisting on the extreme urgency of this request: "There is an irregularity; both the factual and legal sides of the case are so indisputable that no preliminary commission work, no commission investigation and discussion is required. The State Duma may also discuss and resolve this issue in this provision" ^{[13, p.1014]}. Guchkov's speech was supported by the next speaker, V.N. Lvov, who at that time represented a group of independent nationalists in the Duma. His speech was more concise and in many ways repeated the point of view of the leader of the Octobrists: "... to shut up the press, the only opportunity in this strange dark matter to reveal the truth, is, in my opinion, unworthy of a great country, and therefore I hope that you will accept both haste and the request itself" ^{[13, p.1014]}.

The final decision was made almost unanimously. All deputies, with the exception of Baron Cherkasov, advocated the urgency of this request. However, there was no such unanimity in socio-political circles. For example, Prince Meshchersky questioned Guchkov's honesty: "Was it a prohibition? No one except Guchkov and the authors of this request had heard that there was such a prohibition" ^[9]. Moskovskie Vedomosti tried to give the most balanced assessment of what was happening: "The acceptance of a request, joyful for the enemies of the existing order, by persons who make up its undoubted defenders, shows that the rotten ulcer has become unbearable <...> God grant that the ulcer is irrevocably eliminated from the organism poisoned by it. We don't enter into any more arguments. Verbosity is inappropriate at such a moment."^[26]

Rech published the following note: The "Stick of renewal" has hit his (request's) creators and servants. Guchkov, in whose face the administrative impact on the press had been going on for 5 years – the same Guchkov who, through the Voice of Moscow, incited the power of people and newspapers he disliked - now that the stick touched his brainchild, screamed" ^[30]. The "citizen" goes further and finds "danger" not in Rasputin, but ... in Guchkov, the "great hypocrite" Guchkov" ^{[17, p.13]}.

In continuation of the topic, The Voice of Moscow cites an excerpt from the newspaper Vechernoye Vremya with a story about how Bishop Feofan of Taurida suffered from a quarrel with Rasputin. The bishop, who was allegedly disappointed in the "elder", made revelations, which initially had a positive result for him – Rasputin was expelled from the capital. However, soon the "elder" returned, and it was the turn of Vladyka Theophan to go to the outskirts of the empire ^[20].

The Rasputin question was stirred up with unprecedented force. As often as in the winter of 1912, the name of the Siberian peasant did not appear in print and had never been discussed before. And it has never made such a depressing impression. It was not just a liberal front, but something like an action of civil disobedience ^{[3, p. 307]}. V.F. Dzhunkovsky later noted: "it was a very careless step by the State Duma; for the first time the legislative chamber touched upon the intimate side of the life of the royal family in its request and this involuntarily sowed a shadow of distrust in the hearts of some circles of Russia disrespect for the monarch" ^{[16, p. 628]}. A few days after the adoption of the request for the confiscation of newspapers in the Duma, on January 29, a ceremonial dinner was held at the Winter Palace on the occasion of the arrival of the King of Montenegro, which was attended by Makarov. The sources preserved evidence of a conversation between the emperor and the Minister of the Interior at the end of the solemn part. It is reported that the topic of conversation was anti-Rasputin publications in the press. V.N. Kokovtsov quotes the emperor in his memoirs: "After dinner, the Emperor talked for a long time with Makarov, as it turned out later, all about Rasputin, and for the second time expressed his displeasure at the press, again demanding to curb it, and even said: "I just don't understand, is there really no way to fulfill my will," and instructed Makarov to discuss with me and Sabler what should be done" ^{[23, p. 31]}. However, other sources do not reveal information about this conversation between the emperor and the minister. This plot is very superficially touched upon in the memoirs of General A.A. Mosolov, without specifying the time and place of the conversation: "All the insinuations of the press regarding Rasputin leaked to the Duma, requests were made, absolutely impossible gossip was expressed on the sidelines, and during the debate, from the rostrum, indecent speeches and exclamations were certainly allowed. The emperor demanded that Makarov stop these insulting gossip for the Empress <...> Makarov couldn't do anything" ^{[27, p. 166]}.

The seriousness of this conversation for Makarov is evidenced by the fact that the next day the Minister of Internal Affairs hurried to fulfill the emperor's instructions. Together with the chief prosecutor of the Synod, they gathered at Kokovtsov's, which the latter did not forget to mention later in his memoirs: "The next day, on Monday, the 30th, in the evening, Makarov and Sabler gathered at my place to discuss what can be done to fulfill the Sovereign's instructions" ^{[23, p. 32]}. The Prime Minister informs that the audience came to the conclusion that Rasputin should be removed from the capital. It can be assumed that Makarov did not see an opportunity to curb the press and therefore was inclined to eliminate the very cause of gossip insulting the imperial family. Next, Kokovtsov reports on a visit to the Minister of the Imperial Court, Baron Fredericks, in order to be able to present the proposed solution to the "Rasputin" problem to the sovereign in the most delicate way. "Our conversation with Baron Fredericks was very short. This narrow-minded, but noble and impeccably honest man, well understood the danger to the Emperor of the Rasputin story and readily inclined to act in the same direction with us. He promised to speak with the Sovereign at the first meeting, and Makarov and I persistently asked him to do so before our next reports, Makarov on Thursday, and mine on Friday, since the Sovereign would treat his report more simply than ours, being particularly irritated against Makarov, for his attitude to printed revelations and he is undoubtedly not happy with me for expressing the same thoughts to Him even earlier about measures to influence the press," the Prime Minister gives detailed details of the conversation ^{[23, p. 33]}.

However, Fredericks' meeting with the emperor, according to Kokovtsov, did not bring the desired result.: "The sovereign is extremely dissatisfied with everything that is happening, blames the State Duma and, in particular, Guchkov for everything, accuses Makarov of "inexcusable weakness", resolutely does not allow Rasputin to be forced to leave..." ^{[23, p. 33]}. In the emperor's diary, she is noted in an entry dated January 31, 1912: "Fredericks had breakfast before going on vacation" ^{[18, p. 640]}. The Emperor did not even consider it necessary to hint at the content of their conversation, which may indirectly indicate the difficult nature of this conversation.

It is not surprising that the head of government and the Minister of Internal Affairs made attempts to independently discuss Rasputin's situation personally with the emperor. According to Kokovtsov, "Makarov's report on Thursday ended in nothing" ^{[23, p. 33]}. He further cites the sovereign's response to the question raised by the minister: "The sovereign turned the speech to another topic, telling him: "I need to think carefully about this disgusting gossip, and we will talk in detail at your next report, but I still do not understand how there is no way to put an end to all this dirt" ^{[23, c. 33]}. However, this report was not reflected in the Emperor's diary. It can be assumed that Nicholas II did not write about Makarov's reception due to the fact that the topic raised by the minister was unpleasant to him. Nevertheless, in an entry dated February 3, the sovereign notes: "He received Kokovtsov at 10 a.m." ^{[18, p. 640]}. No less curious notes are found in the Prime Minister's memoirs: "The Sovereign listened to me in silence, with an air of discontent, looking out the window as usual in such a case, but then interrupted me with the words: "Yes, we really need to stop this filth at the root, and I will take decisive measures to this. I'll tell you about it later, but for now, we won't talk about it anymore. All this is extremely unpleasant to me" ^{[23, p. 33]}. We see that the conversation with Kokovtsov is still mentioned in the diary, despite its extremely unpleasant content for the emperor.

During February 1912, the excitement around the figure of Rasputin not only did not subside, but also acquired a more significant scale. In modern historiography, opinions are voiced about the connection of the Rasputin story with the election campaign, from which the Octobrists received the greatest benefit. It can hardly be considered accidental that it was Guchkov who was the most active initiator of the request to the Duma regarding publications about Rasputin, and that it was in his newspaper that these publications were placed. It can be assumed that the Rasputin theme has become a kind of "election war" for the leader of the Octobrists, which he unequivocally hints at in a letter to his brother: "There is hope that Rasputin and his entire era can be ended, but on condition of ne pas demordre. Be kind enough to sit on Novoselov Mikhail Alexandrovich so that he would immediately fulfill my request – either come to St. Petersburg to make a message, or give material (if possible, a whole note) that could be passed on to someone on whom everything depends. Rodzianko promises to take it upon himself. Convince Novoselov" ^[4]. The decisive tone of the letter against the background of the current domestic political situation may indicate Guchkov's firm desire to "finish" the story with publications about Rasputin to the end. In a similar vein, the subsequent letters of the leader of the Octobrists to his brother were compiled: "I'm working with Grishka R [asputin]. I will not get rid of this case. Very big abominations are revealed. Don't they understand at the top what a dangerous game they are playing"^[5].

The name of A.A. Makarov is mentioned in the correspondence of the Guchkov brothers in connection with the possible government response to the request of Duma deputies dated January 25, 1912. Of particular interest is the characterization of the Minister of Internal Affairs, from which it is clear that the Guchkovs do not consider him a serious opponent: "I have information that the Minister of Internal Affairs will respond to your request, indicating that the newspapers were arrested not for Rasputin, but for insulting the Synod. But how will he explain the fact of the administration's influence on newspaper editorial offices that preceded the arrest? I think he will get confused by such an explanation."^[5] Perhaps Dzhunkovsky assessed Makarov's position in a similar way, later in his memoirs mentioning "the cowardice of the highest government spheres in this painful issue for Russia and for all those who love their Homeland, thanks to which the Rasputiniad grew, capturing larger and larger circles" ^{[16, p. 628]}.

Indeed, the topic of the "Siberian elder" has become one of the most discussed in public circles, and any evidence of Rasputin's questionable behavior, and even rumors about it, could give rise to another scandalous publication in the press. This is confirmed by the re-arrest of the circulation of the newspaper Golos Moskvy, carried out on February 15 after the publication of the article "Confession of one victim" about the rape of an unnamed person ^[22]. The next day, a comment entitled "Inviolability of the person" appeared in the newspaper, which reported on the confiscation of the circulation of the previous issue and stated that "the mention of his [Rasputin's] name in the press immediately sets in motion a complex and cumbersome mechanism of the administrative and judicial machine. The Chairman of the Council of Ministers himself could envy such protective care of the authorities" ^[28]. At the end of the article, the publicist made a curious remark: "It remains to wait for the repeal of the unwritten law on the inviolability of the Rasputin personality" ^[28].

The sources do not reflect information about the reaction of A.I. Guchkov himself to the next arrest of his newspaper, however, a letter from his brother Fedor has been preserved, which looks quite calm and even optimistic: "Today, the Voice of Moscow has been arrested again for the feuilleton "Confession of Rasputin's Victim". Everything too explicit is carefully excluded from this confession. It is clear that the point here is not pornography, but Rasputin. Of course, this is only to our advantage when making a request. Let them now refer to the insults of the Synod! ^[6] Such a reaction can be explained by the fact that Guchkov would hardly have decided to place such a provocative publication in the newspaper without calculating the possible consequences, of which the arrest of the future circulation of the newspaper was seen as the most likely.

Another surge of interest in the "Rasputin adventures" has determined two main topics in public opinion for the next month: Rasputin's possible departure from St. Petersburg and the likely resignation of Interior Minister Makarov. As for the first topic, on February 18, Rech reported on Rasputin's visit to Kokovtsov two days earlier. "It is reported that Kokovtsov was pleased with Rasputin," the note stated ^[31]. The next day, the Voice of Moscow repeated the news about Rasputin's visit to the Prime Minister, where the former spent more than two hours. It was also said about his departure to Siberia "to put his affairs in order" ^[14]. It is worth noting that this trip seemed to the newspaper to be pre-planned and "imaginary". It was claimed that Rasputin was an instrument of some kind of plan conceived by "one notorious titled person" ^[29]. Nevertheless, on February 22, reports appeared in the newspaper about Rasputin's departure to his homeland, Siberia, however, his possible imminent return was indicated ^[21]. At the same time, rumors arose about a repeated request in the State Duma for the identity of Rasputin and his "shameless actions", initiated by V.N. Lvov, a deputy from the Octobrist faction ^[21].

Thus, at the end of February 1912, the Voice of Moscow was actively discussing not only Rasputin's possible departure from St. Petersburg, but also a possible request to the Duma, which could no longer concern the confiscation of newspapers, but the actions of the "Siberian elder" themselves. In this regard, rumors also appeared in the press about the imminent resignation of A.A. Makarov. A curious message on this occasion was posted by the same "Voice of Moscow": "Both the Duma parties and the entire Russian society are waiting for the day when the Minister of Internal Affairs will rise to the chair and report to the Duma his explanations of the government's actions" ^[25]. It was claimed that Makarov was going to fail, his situation "seems terribly difficult, difficult and delicate to everyone." Further, the publicist outlined the expectations of a future explanation from the representative of the minister, who, obviously, will be the Minister of Internal Affairs. "In the name of the tranquility of the country, in the name of the honor of Russia, and in the name of the dignity of the united government, we would like its representative, entering the podium, to have the right to say that Rasputin and his closest agents are already deprived of the opportunity to disrupt the calm course of public life, and that Russia no longer has reason to fear from their side a new repetition of incitement to violate the laws. Only after starting a speech with such a statement, the minister can be sympathetically listened to by the State Duma" ^[25].

Chernihiv governor N.A. Maklakov, who, according to contemporaries, was the complete opposite of Makarov, was considered one of the most likely candidates for the post of Minister of Internal Affairs. "In fact, Maklakov resembled not so much a provincial administrator as a well-known type of official on special assignments attached to such an administrator," recalled V.I. Gurko ^{[15, p. 996]}. Rumors about a possible appointment were not slow to reach Maklakov himself, who mentioned this in a letter to his wife: "Bezak openly said that Balashev and a whole host of nationalists are putting me up as a candidate for interior minister, and if Makarov leaves, Balashev will do everything to make the choice of the Sovereign stop on me..." ^[7]. There is no way to assess Maklakov's true attitude towards his possible transfer to the capital, however. Most likely, he considered the new appointment quite feasible.

Rumors about Makarov's impending resignation were widespread in society until mid-March 1912. Their weakening may be due to the departure of the minister himself on vacation, to which the Voice of Moscow reacted as follows: "Today they say that the vacation he receives is the end of his ministerial activity and Makarov will not return from vacation to his post" ^[10]. The next day, the newspaper's publicist identified another possible candidate for the post of Minister of Internal Affairs – in this case, it was about S.E. Kryzhanovsky. His experience in running an election campaign was cited as the main argument. "In terms of knowledge of election techniques, Kryzhanovsky is considered indispensable," the publicist argued ^[11]. Interestingly, other periodicals at this time did not mention any possible resignation of Makarov and the alleged candidates for his place, which indicates the purposeful spreading of such rumors in the Octobrist press. With the departure of the tsar, the Minister of Internal Affairs and Grigory Rasputin from St. Petersburg, the Voice of Moscow lost ground for new rumors, and Guchkov switched to other areas of his political activity, in particular, he prevented the adoption of a bill on the separation of the Kholm province from the Kingdom of Poland.

Conclusion

The newspaper campaign against Rasputin and the supreme power ended as quickly as it had been launched earlier. In April 1912, the events at the Lena gold mines caused a wide public outcry. The Interior Minister had to respond hastily to the Duma's request in order to reassure the public, but his explanations turned out to be inconclusive, which caused a new wave of criticism against him. The Rasputin theme temporarily left the pages of periodicals and did not lead to the immediate resignation of A.A. Makarov, but, nevertheless, significantly damaged the reputation of the minister in socio-political circles. It can also be assumed that Nicholas II was somewhat disappointed in Makarov, since the newspaper campaign against Rasputin affected the private life of his family, and Makarov, in turn, could not comply with the emperor's request to stop publishing materials about the "Siberian elder". In the end, the minister retained his post until December 1912, when his resignation was immediately granted by the sovereign.