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History magazine - researches
Reference:

The date of the foundation of the first permanent Ingush settlement in the area of modern Nazran

Albogachiev Magomed Mikhailovich

ORCID: 0009-0006-3925-1554

Student; Department of History; Ingush State University

386001, Russia, Republic of Ingushetia, Magas, I.B. Zyazikova ave., 7, room 302

magomed_albogachiyev77@mail.ru

DOI:

10.7256/2454-0609.2024.3.69964

EDN:

MHYYZZ

Received:

25-02-2024


Published:

12-06-2024


Abstract: This work is devoted to the migration processes that took place in the XVII-XVIII centuries among the Ingush tribes, which eventually led to the foundation of the first permanent Ingush settlement in the area of the modern city of Nazran. The analysis of information from historical sources on this issue, as well as the main versions that exist today, is carried out. At the republican scientific and practical conference "historical determination of the date of formation of Nazran", held on July 15, 2000, it was decided to consider the date of foundation of Nazran as 1781. However, some researchers still express the opinion that Ingush settlements in the Nazran valley began to arise only at the beginning of the XIX century. The purpose of the article is to confirm the validity of the officially established date of the founding of Nazran on the basis of data from historical sources.   And also to show that the development of the territory of the Nazran valley by Ingush tribes began in the XVII century. To achieve the purpose of the article, the author drew on a significant amount of scientific literature and archival data, comparing them with information from Ingush folklore. The novelty of this work lies in the fact that the issue of the foundation of Nazran is considered in the context of migration processes that took place among the Ingush tribes in the XVII-XIX centuries. Historical works on the history of the development of the territory of the Nazran Valley are summarized, comparing them with information from Ingush folklore. In the course of the research, the author comes to the following key conclusions: information from various sources related to this issue are consistent and complement each other; Ingush tribes began to develop the territory of the Nazran Valley in the XVII century, and the first permanent settlement in this territory appeared in 1780-1781. This happened after they concluded an agreement with the Kabardian and Kumyk princes.


Keywords:

Ortskha Kartskhal, Nazran Valley, Mudarov, Atagai, Ingush people, karabulaks, princes, shamkhal, Chechens, the royal administration

This article is automatically translated. You can find original text of the article here.

Every locality has its own history. The Ingush city of Nazran also has it. The Ingush call him affectionately Nana-Nansare, i.e. "Mother Nazran". Thus showing how dear and beloved this city is to them, since the Ingush, like Muslims, have a special attitude towards their mother.

A few centuries is a small age for a city. However, despite this, the history of Nazran is rich in events. And some of the most important processes in its history took place just in the days of its inception.

There is no exact data on the time of the foundation of the first settlements in the area of the future city. At the republican scientific and practical conference "historical determination of the date of Nazran's formation", held on July 15, 2000, it was decided to consider the date of Nazran's foundation as 1781. Prof. I. A. Dahkilgov, who proposed this dating, was based on information from the Russian officer L. L. Shteder, who visited the Nazran Valley area in the same 1781. Dakhkilgov, based on a comparison of data from Ingush folklore with the data cited by P. G. Butkov, concludes that the first Ingush settlement in Nazran was founded in 1780. But for a more reasonable dating, the professor stopped at the date of 1781.

However, speculation on this issue in various publications does not stop to this day. In view of this, we would like to provide additional arguments in favor of the validity of the officially adopted date.

Supporters of the alternative version point to the report of the commandant of the Vladikavkaz fortress Gen. Mr. Delpozzo on June 13, 1810 Gen. from the infantry to Bulgakov, in which it is reported: "Then, having entered into a close alliance with the Kabardins and Chechens, they all moved to a place called Nazran, at a distance of 32 versts [1, pp.894-896].

According to these data, the Ingush settled in the Nazran region in the early 19th century. But if this is so, then who was attacked by Sheikh Mansur's army in Nazran in 1785-1786? In the report of the Vladikavkaz commandant, Lieutenant Colonel K. Matzen, addressed to Lieutenant General P.S. Potemkin on October 28, 1785, it is reported: "And at the same time, residents came from the village of Nazirani with the news that the alleged libertine Shih crossed the Sunzha River with large crowds of Chechens and other peoples" [2, l. 250]. As can be seen from this document, Nazran was already inhabited at the time of Sheikh Mansour.

This is also confirmed by information from the interrogation protocol of Chechen sergeant Ganzhebi, a native of the village of Aldy, caught in the village of Biyev on the Georgian Military Road (the document dates from December 4, 1786) [3, l. 274].

Apparently, the gene. Delpozzo speaks about the last group of settlers of the first stage of the development of Nazran, which took place before the signing of the "Act of Oath" in 1810. Or, recently appointed to the post of commandant of the Vladikavkaz fortress, the Russian officer did not have all the information about the history of the Ingush settlement in Nazran.

In 1809, Gen. Ivelich wrote about the Ingush "who recently moved to the area of modern Nazran." The concept of "recently" is also vague. For example, for today's generation, the "dashing nineties" were recent. And if we are talking about 2010-2020, then it is reasonable to say "very recently". This explanation is consistent with those historical sources saying that the Ingush settled in the Nazran region on a permanent basis around the end of the XVIII century. This is also confirmed in the works of researchers of the XIX century [4, p. 77; 5, p. 55].

However, some writers of the XIX-early XX century, referring to false data from the reports of the above-mentioned Russian generals, linked the foundation of Nazran with the signing of the so-called "Act of Oath" in 1810. B. K. Dalgat noted the fallacy of such statements [6, pp. 50-51].

Some Ingush were indeed forcibly resettled in the Nazran region in the 19th century. But mostly from those places that the tsarist administration considered strategically important for itself. Therefore, resettlement took place not only from villages around Vladikavkaz and mountainous areas, but also from the eastern regions of Ingushetia. For example, in 1817, in connection with the construction of the Sunzha fortified line and the foundation of Cossack villages here, the Ingush were relocated from most of the Sunzha district to Nazran [7, 375-390].

By evicting the mountain Ingush to the plane, Russia tried to take total control of the Ingush population, which was much more difficult for it to do in mountainous areas. This process, like that of other mountain peoples, continued among the Ingush throughout the XIX century. In some cases, the resettlement was organized by the settlers themselves, and in others – on the initiative of the tsarist administration. But this does not negate the fact that the Ingush return to the plane began even before the founding of the Nazran redoubt or the appointment of the gen. Delpozzo was the commandant of the Vladikavkaz fortress.

According to one of the folk legends, the resettlement to Nazran was led by Ortsha Kartshal from the Malsagov family, who is part of the Targimkhoi teip. This is consistent with the fact that the above document mentions foreman Nazran "Korsal" [3, l. 274]. The legend says that "Kartshal lived first in the area of Angusht. He took his namesakes with him; many Ingush people from other surnames joined them, and they went to the place now occupied by Nazran" [6, p. 70]. Angusht was located on the territory of the modern Suburban district. Its inhabitants were called Ingush or Angushtins. This name in the form of Ingush – from the first half of the XIX century, and Ingush – from the XX century, spread to all Western Vainakh societies.

In another version of this legend, recorded approximately in 1930 from 80-year-old Dovt Aushev, it says: "Soon people decided to settle in the place where the city of Nazran is now located, since this land was then free, and the Circassians who once lived there had left it earlier and gone far away. “How will we settle in Nazran? – people began to think and decided. – We will not be able to settle down if we do not enlist the protection of Mohammed Hadji" [8, p. 344]. Further in the legend it is reported that the negotiations on the resettlement of the Ingush to the Nazran tract with Mohammed-Hadji were conducted by Ortsha Kartskhal: "(...) and they told him: "Work for us." Kartshal worked hard and brought Mahomet Haji with an army, who told the people: “Establish a village on this place. If someone attacks you, I will hurt him" [8, p. 344].

Who was this mythical Imam Mahomet Haji? Local historian B. Ts-M. Khabriev in his article cites another version of this legend, in which, instead of "Mahomet-hadji", the "leader of the Orstkhoyevites, Mahmad" is mentioned: "Ortskha Kartshal and Egi-Arsmak went down into the valley to first choose land for their village. They found it among hills and ravines, covered with dense forest... Targimkhoev residents heard that the current Prince Mudarov was well known by the leader of the Horstkhoi, Mahmad. We also heard that Mahmad is a noble man and treats the Gulgai well, whom he called brothers. Mahmad had a squad of one hundred people and was really on good terms with Prince Mudarov, the owner of these lands" [Khabriev B. Ts.-M. The story of S.P. Badgers. [electronic resource]. Access mode: https://web.archive.org/web/20150810215627/http://adm-barsuki.ru/index.php/nashe-selo/istoriya-s-p-barsuki (date of access: 08.12.2019)].

In the last two versions of the legend, we are talking about a man of noble origin, whose name was Mohammed (Mahmad is a variant of this name). In one case, he is called the "leader of the Horsthoevites", in the other – the imam who came from the east. It is clear that we are talking about the same person here.

The Orstkhoevites lived on the Fortanga River, next to the Galgaevites (residents of the Galgaev society in the Assinovsky gorge of Ingushetia), to whom the Targimkhoevites also belonged. Therefore, it is doubtful that Imam Magomed-hajji was from Orstkhoev if he came from the east. And according to the context of the legend, it is clear that Mahmad or Mahomet Haji was not from the Vainakhs and he is treated as a person from another nation.  In addition, the Ingush legend says that Mahomet Haji was an imam who came from the east, and many people stood with him [8, p. 344]. And also that he had the opportunity to gather warriors from all the peoples that live around, starting from the sea (apparently, the Caspian Sea is meant) and up to the mountains [8, p. 345]. And such a person among the small number of Karabulaks at the end of the XVIII century. sources do not record.

Only Dagestanis lived in the east of the Ingush and Chechens. Therefore, it is logical to think that Mahomet-hadji was the Dagestani owner. In this regard, it is interesting to note that L. L. Shteder, who visited the Fortangi river gorge in 1781, describes his negotiations with the foreman of one of the Karabulak villages, to which he went accompanied by the Karabulak detachment led by the Andreevsky (i.e. Kumyk) princes. When L. L. Shteder approached the village and noticed that the residents were alarmed to see the Russians, he ordered the Karabulak detachment to enter the village and calm the residents. It can be seen from the message of L. L. Shteder that the armed Karabulaks, led by the Andreevsky princes, were not local. An additional confirmation of this is the fact that the author reports on the desire of the Karabulaks of this village to convert to Christianity "They begged for protection by the Russians, asked to be ordered to baptize them" [9, p. 208].

Since the Andreevites were Muslims, it is reasonable to assume that the Karabulaks in the detachment they led were also Muslims. Apparently, they were from among the eastern Karabulaks (the so-called Kachkalik people), who began to convert to Islam back in 1762, when they moved to the Kachkalik Mountains area. The condition of their resettlement, on the part of the St. Andrew's feudal lords, was their acceptance of the Muslim religion (see below). For example, Sh. B. Akhmadov notes, referring to A. I. Akhverdov, that six Chechen villages, called Kachkalikov, in the late XVIII – early XIX centuries. were located in close proximity to the village of Aksayevskaya and subordinated to its senior owner Khasbulat Arslanbekov. The author further writes: "A.M. Butskovsky also notes that among the Chechens who lived according to pp. Sunzha and Terek, as well as part of them called Kachkalykovsky, were resettled from there by the Aksai princes and placed on the lands between pp. Sunjei and Aksai on certain conditions in six villages" [10, p. 471].

It is interesting to note that the Kachkalik people had to allocate soldiers to the auxiliary troops of the Aksai princes [10, pp. 471-472]. Therefore, there is nothing surprising in the fact that in the detachment of the Andreevsky princes, whom L.L. Shteder met, there were Karabulak warriors and that in the legend about Mahmad it is said about the leader of the Orstkhoevites, i.e. Karabulaks. L. L. Shteder calls them tribesmen of the Andreevsky princes, which indicates a close relationship between them. Therefore, the desire of the Ingush people to reach the Kumyk feudal lord through the Karabulaks looks logical.

I. A. Guldenstedt notes about the Western Karabulaks that they do not have princes, but they do have elders who pay tribute to Aksai princes [10, p. 463].

The Andreevsky princes and the detachment led by them were met by L. L. Shteder on the Enderps River: "Their leader was the young Andreevsky prince Shabulat Aji, the son of Murtazali, with his adoptive father, an elder of the Karabulaks and with 9 Chechens on horseback" [9, p. 205]. Apparently, this is the same Aji Muratazali, who is mentioned in the Decree of the Board of Foreign Affairs to the Kizlyar commandant A.A. Stupishin on the resettlement of mountain peoples to empty lands on April 26, 1763, and which says that the Ender owner Aji Murtazali Chopanov asked permission to transfer the Karabulaks living in the mountains under his control, "above the Sunzhi River, there is an empty place, lying by the Aksai-su river" [11, l. 112-117]

The Aksai-su mentioned in the document is R. Assa, which L. L. Shteder also calls Aksai [9, p. 207]. Perhaps the modern name of this river Assa is the result of regressive assimilation in the complex "ks" in the name Aksai (compare ing. cherksiy ? chersiy — "Circassians"). It is noteworthy that in the name of the Aksai river on the border of Dagestan and Chechnya in the complex “ks” there is also a regressive assimilation in the Chechen pronunciation. For example, in one of the Chechen legends, the Aksai river is called Yassi [8, p. 349]. Moreover, not far from this river, as well as in the area of the Assay river (in the Assinovsky gorge), there is the village of Dattakh (Datty).

From all the above it follows that Imam Mahomet Haji (Mahmad) was some kind of Kumyk feudal lord. As already mentioned above, we have no information about the Chechen or Orstkhoev leader (or owner)  at the end of the XVIII century. with that name, who had power "from the sea to the mountains." But it is known in Dagestan – this is shamkhal Bamat, who ruled in the shamkhaldom of Tarkovsky just at the end of the XVIII century.

Bamat is the Turkic version of the name Muhammad. In the letter of Catherine II dated April 19, 1793, he was named Mahomet-shamkhal of Tarkovsky, the ruler of Buinak and Dagestan. Bamat's predecessor and his brother Murtazali joined Russian citizenship in 1776 [12, p. 63]. Perhaps the name of the area in the upper reaches of the Fortanga River, where several settlements with the same names later arose, is associated with his name – Bamut.

The legend speaks of an attack by Chechens. According to archival data cited in the work of Sh. B. Akhmadov, before the uprising led by Sheikh Mansur, some of the planar Chechens were ruled by Tarkovsky or Ender owners [10, pp.468-470]. In another place of his work, Sh. B. Akhmadov notes that the Andreevsky Kumyks ruled "the noble part of the Chechens" and that "the Kumyk owner Aydemir Bardykhanov owned the villages of Bolshaya Chechnya and Bolshye Atagi. Kabardian Prince Devlet-Giray Cherkassky owned the Chechen villages of Shali, Hermenchuk, etc. Mudar stood at the head of the Bragun Chechens" [10, pp. 485-486]. According to legend, the army of Mohammed Hadji consisted of peoples who lived "from the sea to the mountains," including Chechens. That is, by "Chechens" here we mean the Muslim peoples of Chechnya and Dagestan, in general. This conclusion is also confirmed by the fact that there is no mention of Chechens in the legends alone. In fact, it was a confrontation between the Muslim army and the Ingush, who at that time professed a mixture of Christianity with pagan beliefs.

Thus, the status of "leader of the Horstkhoi" is quite suitable for Mahomet-Shamkhal Tarkovsky. Therefore, in our opinion, he is the same Mahomet-hadji, whom the Ingush connected to negotiations with "Prince Mudarov". This is also consistent with the fact that the events in question took place at the end of the XVIII century, when Mahomet Tarkovsky ruled in shamkhalstvo.

At the end of the XVIII century, the Galgais really began to recognize themselves as subjects of Shamkhal, as an Ingush researcher of the second half of the XIX century writes.  Chah  Akhriev . The author reports that the Galgaevites recognized the citizenship of the Shamkhals, but were completely independent [14, p. 4]. Apparently, for some reason, the Galgaevites formally recognized citizenship. Perhaps this happened in the 1760s, when they, together with the Karabulaks, intended to move to the plane. In our opinion, the Galgaevites had no other reasons to accept this citizenship. Living in mountainous areas and having powerful fortifications (Galgai Koashke) guarding the entrance to Galgayche and battle towers, they were inaccessible to the Shamkhal authorities. Therefore, we tend to believe that the formal recognition of Shamkhal's authority by the Galgais was connected with their intention to move to the plane.

At the end of the XVIII century, Malaya Kabarda was divided into two possessions: Tausultan and Gelakhstan. The latter included settlements of two princely families – the Akhlovs and the Mudarovs. The territory of the Nazran Valley was considered part of the Mudarov possessions. At the same time, the Kabardians themselves did not live here because of the threats of attacks by the highlanders. They left these places in the middle of the XVIII century. This information is consistent with information from the version of the legend cited in B. Ts Khabriev's article that Prince Mudarov used the lands in the Nazran region for pastures and hunting grounds, "but he did not settle here himself, since it was dangerous to live in such wild places because of countless gangs of robbers."

At the same time, the legend says that Nazran at that time was a wasteland and was a disputed place between Kabardians and Chechens [4, p. 70]. In this regard, we note that in the XIX century. a certain Gudanat Mudarov in his "Petition to the Commission established to consider the personal and land rights of the natives of the Tersk region" gives a brief overview of the origin of his family and the boundaries of his possessions [15, l. 20-22]. According to information from this document, Etagai and his descendants, who came from the "Galgai societies", owned lands between the Argun and Kambileyevka rivers. They resettled Galgaev tribesmen and representatives of related Vainakh tribes to their possessions. Planar Ingushetia and the so-called "Little Chechnya" appeared in these territories in the XIX century.

In the XIX century, P. A. Golovinsky noted that "the surnames Turlo, Mudar and Etagai, were considered the most noble and influential (in Chechnya – M. A.'s note) ... The village of Etagu or Atagi, on the Argun River, was founded by the surname Etagai" [16, p. 243]. L. L. Shteder in 1781 in the upper reaches Arguna mentions the Attaja tribe [17, p. 169]. Ya.Ya. Shtelin calls them Atahiz, IA Guldenstedt – atahuz [9, 165, 239].

Moreover, it follows from the document that at the beginning of the XIX century, a descendant of Etagai named Alkhazur contributed to the resettlement of the mountain tribesmen of the Galgai to their former possessions [15, l. 20-22]. Based on all this, we come to the conclusion that in the version of the legend recorded by B. K. Dalgat, by "Chechens" who disputed the Nazran region, we mean the descendants of this Guy Galgaysky, who owned Little Chechnya and were called "Chechen princes".

So, the Ingush negotiated with the Kabardian prince Mudar, involving the Kumyk shamkhal Mahomet Haji, who "treats the Galgai well" and "called them brothers." Perhaps the good attitude of Mahomet-hadji towards the Galgai was due to the fact that their Kumyk owner and the Karabulaks belonged to the same people. Indeed, Gottlieb Georgi in 1766 and Simon Pallas in 1794 reported that the Karabulaks were formerly called Ingush and descended from them, and their language consists of Kistin (i.e. Ingush) and Chechen dialects [9, pp. 177; 279]. Perhaps the Karabulaks who lived in the eastern regions spoke a mixed Ingush-Chechen dialect.

In general, from the above data, the closely related relations between the Ingush and the Karabulaks are visible. It is noteworthy that in 1762, the Karabulaks petitioned the Russians for the "Ingush" to relocate them to the plane [11, l. 117]. In other words, information from the Ingush legend about the attempt of the Galgaevites through the Orstkhoevites to contact the owners of flat lands is confirmed in an archival document. Consequently, the first attempts of the Angushta and Karabulaks to re-emigrate to the plane began back in the 1760s.

In this regard, we point to the map entitled "The course of the Terek River, Bolshaya and Malaya Kabarda with the countries lying near the Caucasus", compiled by Ya. Ya. Shtelin and published by the Geographical Department of the Imperial Academy of Sciences [18, without pages]. The map itself was published in 1771, but it should be noted that it was compiled earlier than this date. When compiling it, data from sources from an earlier period could be used. After all, in that era it was not possible to update data after a short period of time. As a source of information, the works of travelers and researchers from different periods who visited and described the area needed by the compiler were used. At the same time, it should be noted that I myself. I have never been to the Caucasus.

On this map, the Nazranka River, which is designated here as Nesran, flows in the lower and middle reaches through the territory of the Ingush people, who are marked here under the name "Ingushevsky cysts". Circles, apparently, indicate some settlements, posts or parking lots. This is approximately the area of the modern settlements of Yanadare, Ekazhevo and Gamurzievsky MO, Nazran.  Consequently, the Ingush presence in the Nazran region, according to this map, was recorded no later than 1771. It is quite possible that after 1762, the Ingush tribes managed to occupy the southeastern and eastern regions of the Nazran Valley or put their posts there as claims to the ownership of these territories. By the way, I. A. Guldenstedt notes Endre among the Ingush districts, the name of which is consonant with the name of the modern S. P. Yandare [9, p. 238]. However, it is possible that here we are talking about the Karasu-Yandyr locality in the area of the confluence of the Assa with the Sunzha.

According to A. A. Tsutsiev, the Ingush villages of Sholkhi, Akhki-Yurt at the exit to the plain of the Kambileyevka and Sunzha rivers arose in the 1750s and 60s, and by 1770-80 the Ingush guard posts reached the point of present Nazran [19, p. 16]. And with the fact that in 1781 L. L. Shteder reported about the "Akhgurts" (Akhkiyurt Ingush) 4 versts east of the Sunzha River, approximately in the area of the modern villages of Sunzha, Ali-Yurt and Magas [9, p. 313].

Also on the map of the Steelin to the east of the cysts along the Sunzhi River to the lower reaches of the Gekhi River, Kumitsky is indicated. However, in this territory, as shown above, at the end of the XVIII century. Karabulaks and Ingush people were settled, who were under the patronage of the Endyreev Kumyks. Perhaps the mapmaker had information about this and therefore marked these tribes with the term Kumitski, as an indication of their being under the control of Kumyk feudal lords. Indeed, Ya. Ya. Shtelin notes that "(...) the Karabulaks are partly under the princely surname Aldamir called, and partly under the Kabardian prince Dvelet Giray" [18, without pages; 9, p. 165]. Aldamir, apparently, is Aidemir Bardykhanov, Khan of the Endyreev Khanate. In the area of the Nazran valley, the Kumitski inscription crosses the border of the cysts. Perhaps this is how the author wanted to emphasize that this part of the territory of the Kists was also under the control of the Endyreans.

To the northeast of Kumitskaya, along the right bank of the Sunzhi River, Chechens were noted, apparently residents of the possessions of the Turlov princes.

To the south of the Chechens, the Atakhs are indicated. Apparently, these are residents of the possessions of the princely family of Etagai. The same Atakhi tribe that is mentioned by L. L. Shteder. Ya. Ya. Shtelin writes about them: "The third people, called Atakhis, stretches between other rivers and eastward to the Aksai River. One can also include a fourth people, the Tavlin people, who live in the mountains at the tops of all the above-mentioned rivers" [18, without pages; 9, p. 165]. Tavlintsy (ing. loamara, Chechen. lamra) are marked on the map south of Atakhi between the Assa and Aksai rivers.

Thus, after 1762, the Ingush and Karabulaks began to move out to the lands allocated to them by the Endireev feudal lords and the tsarist administration. But they could not occupy the entire area of the Nazran valley and the adjacent territories, which had already been abandoned by the Kabardians. The main reason, in our opinion, was the difficult international situation of that time, which did not allow the Karabulaks to immediately fulfill their intention. For example, about the Karachay-Balkars, Ossetians and Ingush, Ya. Ya. Shtelin writes that in 1739, at the conclusion of peace with the Ottomans, they were declared "free and beyond the control of Russia or Turkey, but they are more disposed towards Russia. Kabardians also, and therefore from time to time, send their princes to the capital to assure them of their friendliness" [9, p. 163].

In other words, the terms of the truce between the Ottoman Sultan and the Russian tsar prevented free eviction to the territory considered "neutral". But after the war with the Ottomans began, Russia in 1772 began to actively promote the settlement of rich lands by the Karabulaks along the lower reaches of the river Assi and in the area of Karasu-Yandyr (at the confluence of the river Assi with the river Sunzha) [20, pp. 25-26]. That is, geopolitics and the confrontation between the Ottomans and Russians in the region played a role here. In 1772, the Karabulaks accepted Russian citizenship [10, p. 463]. However, even after that, apparently, they were unable to establish permanent settlements here, and the development of the territory was delayed for another 8-10 years. The reason here, in our opinion, was that the Kumyk owners could not provide the settlers with the security they expected from Kabardian raids.  The fact is that the closer the settlers settled to the Kumyk possessions, the easier it was for Shamkhal or the Andreevsky princes to protect the settlers from harassment by the Kabardian princes. The document says that the Karabulaks and Ingush people asked for protection from Kabardians (i.e. Kabardian princes), Chechens (Princes Turlov) and Michgiz (we will talk about them below). Two sides offered them protection from them: the Russians, if they converted to Christianity; and the Ender feudal lords, if they converted to Islam [11, l. 112-117].

But as Kabarda weakened and the Ottomans' influence in the region, the Karabulaks and Ingush began to occupy more and more western territories and in the early 1780s they appeared already in the upper reaches of the Nazran River and gradually occupied the entire Nazran valley. Moreover, in our opinion, the Ingush were the first to occupy this area. At least, L.L. Shteder in 1871 did not dismiss the Karabulka settlements in the area between the modern villages of Yandare and Davydenko [9, pp. 204-205]. At that time, the villages of the Karabulaks were mainly located along the Fortanga and to the east of this river. N. G. Volkova, referring to Klaproth, writes that the northernmost group of Karabulaks lived along the small Balsu stream, and also occupied territories to the west of the Shelmigor stream, which flows below the river Assi into the river Sunzha [17, p. 157].

According to legend, 80 households moved to the Nazran valley and this was not the first wave of resettlement. It also says that having received the go-ahead for the settlement, "in honor of this event, people performed the ritual of slaughtering a white bull with a black head."  After that, they returned to Angusht and began to persuade people to move to new territories. And they did not dare, apparently remembering that this land was considered the property of the Malokabardin princes, who often raided. Therefore, they moved only after the first settlers convinced them [8, p. 344], perhaps by telling them about the security guarantees received from shamkhal Mahomet.

In 1781, in the area of the Nazranka river, L.L. Shteder noted the Ingush outpost [9, p. 213]. The author apparently calls the outpost the watchtower of Todi g I ala mentioned in the legend. If this is so, then in 1781 the Ingush had already settled in this area, since the tower of Todi g I ala was built, as it appears from the legend, after the ritual of slaughtering a white bull. Apparently, after receiving permission from the Dagestan and Kabardian princes. Perhaps L.L. Shteder in 1781 found one of the first small waves of immigrants who had not yet thoroughly established themselves here and roamed from place to place, due to the threat from Kabarda. Even in 1807, during Klaproth's journey, the Ingush often changed their places of settlement, moving from one valley to another, leading a semi-nomadic lifestyle [6, pp. 50, 69]. This explains the reason that the settlers initially settled in dugouts, as the legend says [6, p. 70].

Next, let's try to find out when more or less permanent Karabulak settlements appeared in the area of the Nazran valley. In this regard, information from the report of Colonel Saveliev addressed to Lieutenant General P.S. Potemkin "On the clash of the Chechen party with the Karabulaks and their intention to attack the Ingush who settled near the Nazran river" dated May 29, 1787," which refers to the Chechens who "... reaching up for the Sunzha to the river They wanted to attack the Ingush and Michkiz people who had recently come out of the mountains who settled there" [21, l. 362]. Who were these Michkiz? It is known that the Kumyks called Chechens that way, often all Vainakhs. Russians, echoing them, also often called all Ingush and Chechens michkiz.  However, in the Decree of the Board of Foreign Affairs to the Kizlyar commandant A.A. Stupishin on the resettlement of the mountain peoples to empty lands, the Michkiz are mentioned as a tribe separate from the Chechens, Ingush and Karabulaks [11, l. 112-117]. It is clear that some kind of Vainakh tribe is hiding under this name and the name is used here in a narrow sense.

To the south of the Kachkalyk Mountains, where the Michigan River flows, the Akkin people settled back in the XVI century. Initially, they were called "Michkiz" and they were one of the first Vainakh societies to convert to Islam. The Karabulak settlers in the second half of the XVIII century, who were just beginning to convert to the Muslim religion, also asked for protection from them.

At the end of the XVIII century, Johann Gottlieb divided the kists into "Chechens, Yugush, kists of the Vatsky, Angush and Shemsky districts, Karabulaks and Melchegs" [9, pp. 176-177]. Moreover, milchegs (i.e. Michkiz) are indicated by Aksai and Sunzha, where the Akkins lived. However, it is unlikely that the Michkiz from the Michig River region moved to the Nazran Valley. Moreover, the document refers to the "Michkiz" who came out of the mountains, while the Michkiz-akkinitsy lived on the plane. But at the same time, a significant percentage of the Michkiz were Orstkhoev (i.e. Karabulak) families. In addition, the Akkins and Orstkhoevites, according to folk legend, have the same origin. Apparently, their neighbors were aware of this and therefore the closely related Karabulaks were also called Michkiz. After all, the Kumyks called all Ingush and Chechens by the common name Michkiz, knowing about the kinship of their neighbors Michkiz with them. If our conclusions are correct, then at the beginning of 1787, the Karabulaks settled in the area of the Nazran valley together with the Ingush people.

In general, Ingush and Karabulaks settled together or in separate ancestral farms near each other. In our opinion, this was due not only to the close kinship of these societies with each other, but also to the fact that it was easier for them to defend themselves from attacks by external enemies. This is not surprising, if we recall that the latter asked for permission for the Ingush to move to the area of the Kachkalyk Mountains [11, l. 112-117]. Therefore, together they explored the Nazran region.

The desire for joint settlement of these territories by the Karabulaks and Ingush is also evidenced by the sources of the late XVIII – early XIX centuries. For example, L.L. Shteder reports on the joint settlements of Ingush and Karabulaks – Akhkin-yurt and Kazak-Gechu [9, p. 213; 17, p. 154]. It is also known from archival documents and field materials that the Leimoevsky farm Korey-yurt and Tsechoevsky – Debir-Yurt existed on the site of the modern town of Sunzha in Ingushetia. The first are Angushtitsi, the second are Karabulaks [22, pp. 14-17]. At the same time, Ingush people prevailed in the western regions, and Karabulaks in the eastern ones.

In the second half of the XVIII century, when the Karabulaks and Ingush tried to move to the plane, the main and competing players in the region were the royal governors, Kabardian and Dagestan princes (many of whom, among other things, had a label from the Russian Empire for the management of the mountain peoples). Researchers consider the armed struggle of the highlanders under the leadership of Sheikh Mansour, along with the fact that it was directed against the expansion of the Russian Empire in the North Caucasus, not without reason, also anti-feudal [13, pp. 19-39; 10, p. 485].

The eastern regions of the North Caucasus were under the influence of the Kumyk and Avar feudal lords, and the western regions were under the influence of the Kabardian feudal lords. Their interests clashed in the foothills of the Central Caucasus. The princes had friendly relations with each other, as representatives of the ruling class among the mountain peoples, but clashes between them were quite frequent. Therefore, there is nothing surprising in the fact that Ortskha Kartskhal negotiated relocation to Nazran with the main players in this region – Kabardian and Kumyk owners.

At the end of the XVIII century. the power of the Kabardian princes gradually began to fade. In this regard, we point to a letter from the commander of the corps of troops in the North Caucasus, I. F. de Medem, to the Kabardian owners in 1773 demanding that attacks on the Ingush be stopped [23, pp. 306-307]. It shows the negative attitude of Russians towards Kabardians. The fact is that in the second half of the XVIII century. the princes who had pro-Ottoman views fell out of favor with the Russian sovereign. At the same time, in the rivalry between Kabardian and Kumyk feudal lords for the possession of the Terek and Sunzha interfluves, the Russians began to support the latter. It was advantageous for Russia to attribute the lands of the highlanders to its subject princes in territorial disputes with the Ottomans, which escalated during the foundation of the Mozdok fortress and the construction of a road from this fortress to Georgia. Therefore, the Russians tried to settle these territories, even if they were formally considered submissive tribes (Ingush, Karabulaks, Chechens, Kumyks, etc.).

According to the legend "About the past of Nazran", the Nazran people lived peacefully for three years, but then they had a conflict with the people of their patron Mohammed-Hadji and clashes occurred between them, as a result of which the guests were forced to flee to Kabarda [8, p. 344]. It is further reported that the attackers complained to Mahomet-hajji. Deciding to take revenge on the Nazranites, the "imam" gathered a large army and attacked Nazran. The Ingush "began firing from the tower... By this time it was dark. Then the enemies left Nazran... Soon the naibs of the imam created a new detachment and moved it to Nazran. Now the enemies had a cannon... With the sound of "har-r-r", the cannonballs flew out and, before reaching Nazran, rolled down into the lowlands. From their noise, and it was getting louder, people woke up and left their homes. The Nazran people gathered and repulsed the enemies again" [8, pp. 345-346].

This information is consistent with the information from the version of this legend in the work of B. K. Dalgat: "Ortskhanov built a tall wooden tower for himself and called it a "tower on legs" (on four pillars); it could accommodate several hundred people for defense  The Chechens, having found out that some daredevil had taken possession of the place disputed by them from the Kabardians, went to war on him). The Ingush were not afraid of the Chechens and, climbing into the tower, began to defend themselves and shoot back... The Chechens finally could not stand their fire and turned to flight; the Ingush set off in pursuit of them with naked sabers in their hands... all the way to the river Nittykhoy!" [6, p. 70].

It is noteworthy that the tower "could accommodate several hundred people for defense." It is unlikely that such a large number of defenders could fit in one tower. In this case, it is no longer a tower, but a small fortress.

The legend says: "There was a Toda tower on four piles in the village. Kartshal and other people settled in it – only eight people" [8, p. 345]. In a variant of this legend in the work of B. K. Dalgat, it is said about a hundred defenders who took up defense in this tower. Apparently, there were more towers, it's just that the one in which Kartshal was located has been preserved in the memory of the people. Todi is probably the name of the tower builder.

It is also reported that the attackers managed to set fire to the tower and three jumped out of it and remained unharmed [8, p. 346]. If Kartshal was among them, then why didn't the narrator mention him, because he is the main character in this whole story? Perhaps this also indicates that there were several towers in the village.

Although storytellers usually praise their side, and it is unlikely that the victory of the Nazran people was so brilliant, but the information is important here that the settlers lived peacefully for 3 years.  Then, for some reason, they had a conflict with Mohammed Hadji, as a result of which a battle took place between them.  In practice, these clashes would have gone unnoticed by the Russians. Apparently, we are talking about the battle between the Ingush and the "Chechens", which took place in 1783.

A. N. Genko, referring to archival documents, writes that at the beginning of 1783 the Ingush were in solidarity with the inhabitants of the Chechen villages of Atagi and Alda. On March 3-7 of the same year, the punitive expedition of Mr. Keck and Mr. Rick burned the villages of the Ataginians, and the Ingush, without resisting, handed over the hostages [24, pp. 688-690]. Here we recall that the Ataginians were ruled by the Galgai family of Etagai. The Aldin people were under the control of Dagestan feudal lords. The power of the princes extended to the villages: Bolshaya and Malaya Chechnya, Bolshaya Ataga, Shali, etc." [10, pp. 469-470]. Apparently, the latter, having seen what happened to their more numerous tribesmen, decided not to resist in order to avoid their fate.

And after 4 months, the tsarist administration managed to put the Ingush and Chechens at odds. On this occasion P. G. Budkov writes: "At that time, the rule of the ancient Romans was observed to quarrel with different Caucasian peoples for the benefit of the Caucasian region, so that they, weakening their forces, would leave us alone more. As a result, the Chechen peoples quarreled with the Ingush in different ways from us, and in June 1783, each side fought with 1 thousand people. The Chechens lost 20 killed and up to 40 wounded, but gained ground and drove away up to 2 tons of sheep from the Ingush" [25, p. 111]. This information is consistent with data from Ingush legends. However, more realistic data on the results of the battle are given here: the army of Mohammed Hadji was forced to leave Nazran and withdraw to Chechnya and Dagestan, but managed to drive away "up to 2 tons of sheep from the Ingush." However, according to the information from the legend, the Nazran soldiers managed to recapture the loot from the attackers [8, p. 344].

Nevertheless, before this battle, the Nazran people were on good terms with the Chechens and other Muslim peoples in the possessions of Shamkhal and Mudarov, since they "solidified" with them at the beginning of 1783. And this is also consistent with the information from the legend that the settlers "lived peacefully for three years" [8, p. 344]. In other words, the Ingush settlement in Nazran arose in 1780.

The events described in the legend took place at least before the appearance of Sheikh Mansour. This is indicated by the fact that his name is not mentioned in the legend. And this is not logical, because  Mansur, as the leader of the Muslims of the North Caucasus, was very popular among the highlanders.

What were the reasons that led to the clashes between the former allies? P. G. Butkov attributes this to the Russian policy of "divide and rule". It is clear that it is unlikely that there was no Russian participation here. However, in our opinion, the Russians simply skillfully took advantage of the conflict that arose between the former allies, the reason for which, apparently, was the refusal of most of the Nazran people to convert to Islam. According to B. S. Akhmadov, with reference to the authors of the late XVIII century, at that time the majority of Ingush and Karabulaks professed a mixture of pagan beliefs with Christianity [10, pp. 462-467]. These societies, as noted above, occupied the Nazran valley with the support of the Galgai family Etagai and Shamkhal Tarkovsky. The main conditions that the feudal lords set before the highlanders when they moved to their possessions were the adoption of Islam and rent. Indeed, the legend says that Ortsha Kartshal promised to pay for the use of the land. The princes, being Muslims, categorically did not want to settle pagans in their possessions. For example, the same conditions were set by the Kumyk feudal lords before the Karabulks in 1762 [11, l. 112-117]. Therefore, the Ingush people at the end of the XVIII century also resettled with the condition of accepting Islam and rent.

But apparently, the Ingush foreman was not completely honest with the Muslim feudal lords. The legend says that Kartskhal cheated by promising to pay for the use of the land "until the wooden fence of the new settlement rots." In general, it is clear from the context of the legend that Ortskha Kartskhal did not want to pay. It is also possible that the Ingush foreman was not very willing to leave the beliefs of his ancestors and convert to Islam. At least, the mass conversion of Nazranites to the Muslim religion was recorded only at the beginning of the XIX century [1, p. 891]. Perhaps knowing that if he did not agree, he would be refused resettlement, Ortsha Kartshal initially agreed to the conditions of the feudal lords, and even decided to support the tribesmen of the Ataginians. But then he stopped fulfilling the terms of the contract.

In this regard, we note that "in his first information delivered to the headquarters of the tsarist authorities in Kizlyar on March 4, 1785, the foreman of the village of Kulary, Kaituko Bakov, reported that, being in the Aldyn village on March 3, 1785, he noticed preparations by residents of many Chechen villages for a campaign ..., and they say that they will go with Mansur went to the Ingush to convert them to Mohammedanism and to find some ancient Alkoran allegedly kept by the Ingush" [26, l. 36-36].

Here a reasonable question arises: how did the "ancient Alkoran" end up with the Ingush, if at that time they were in the absolute majority pagans or Christians? We explain this by the fact that the Nazran people received it from the Kumyk or Kabardian mullahs, with whom they agreed to relocate to the Nazran Valley, on condition of accepting Islam. In this case, the more understandable is the anger of Mahomet-hadji at Ortskha Kartshala [8, p. 345], who accepted such a gift and did not fulfill the promise of accepting the Muslim religion. Apparently, the issue of returning the "ancient Alkoran" that fell into the hands of the pagans, or bringing them to Islam, was acute in the Muslim environment of the North Caucasus, since the leader of the Muslims Mansur and his army wanted to go to them in search of the Holy Scriptures.

As noted above, Russians took an active part in these events. In this case, they tried to persuade the Nazran people to accept Christianity. Russian Russians will receive greater protection for the adoption of Christianity from the Karabulaks than the local feudal lords, who themselves were considered subjects of the Russian tsar, could offer [11, l. 112, 117], testifies to the rivalry in this matter between the tsarist representatives and local owners. The above-mentioned document of 1763, where Captain Makarov tries to emphasize that for the adoption of Christianity from the Russians, the Karabulaks would receive greater protection than the local feudal lords, who themselves were considered subjects of the Russian tsar [11, l. 112, 117]. But if the tsarist special services failed to persuade those who lived closer to the Kumyk possessions and surrounded by Muslim peoples of the eastern Karabulaks to accept the Christian faith, then they were successful with the Nazranites and Western Karabulaks. The latter informed L.L. Shteder about their desire to convert to Christianity and asked for protection from Chechens (i.e., from Muslims in general) [9, p. 208].

It was also not difficult for Russians to persuade Ortskha Kartshala to convert from semi-Christian beliefs to Christianity. At the same time, they hardly did not understand what the shamkhal's response would be. Apparently, Butkov meant this when he wrote that the Russians quarreled in various ways, the "Chechen peoples" with the Ingush [25, p.111]. The tsarist special services thus quarreled among the tribes that recognized the citizenship of the Russian Empire, so that they weakened each other and needed her as an arbitrator.

In other words, the Karabulaks and Ingush found themselves between two fires: on the one hand, the local feudal lords set a condition for resettlement to their possessions – the adoption of Islam; on the other hand, the royal representatives offered them to adopt the Christian religion and greater protection. At the same time, the highlanders saw that both Kumyk and Kabardian feudal lords, mostly themselves, were subjects of the Russian state and understood who was the boss in the region. Perhaps that is why the Ingush and Western Karabulaks, who lived far enough from the Kumyk possessions, considered the conditions offered by the Russians more preferable. And Christianity, offered by the Russians, was closer to the beliefs of the majority of the Ingush tribes at that time.

The adoption of Christianity was an important condition that the Russian administration set for the highlanders who were evicted to the plane. Apparently, in this situation, Ortsha Kartshal tried to maneuver and cheat, since he did not want to quarrel with any of these parties. But in the end, he had to make up his mind and, judging by subsequent events, the Ingush, like the western part of the Karabulaks, accepted the conditions of the Russians.

The eastern Karabulaks, being surrounded by Muslim tribes and closer to the Kumyk possessions, accepted the conditions set for them by shamkhal. However, as a result, they also refused to pay as soon as they gained a foothold and became stronger in a new place [10, p. 471].

Based on all of the above, events may have developed as follows: Mohammed Hadji sent a small detachment (legend says about 100 soldiers) to patrol the border territories and one of their destinations was the Ingush village of Nazran. When the patrol got there, they were surprised to learn that the Nazran people had not converted to Islam and refused to pay.  Then there is a quarrel between the locals and the guests, as a result of which the latter were forced to flee. Upon learning about this, the angry Kumyk owner "gathered warriors from all the peoples that live around, from the sea to the mountains, and moved to Nazran to conquer it."

The number of defenders of Nazran suggests that not only its inhabitants were among them, since the small population of this village in 1783 (from 80 to 150 households according to legend) would hardly have been able to field a thousand soldiers, as Butkov writes, and repel the attack of a large army of the Dagestani owner. In our opinion, other Ingush societies, including Western Karabulaks, also participated in the protection of Nazran.  The latter at this time, judging by L.L. Shteder's reports, were indeed attacked by Chechens and received protection from Russians who tried to take advantage of this situation [7, pp. 207, 208]. This conclusion is also confirmed by the fact that in the version of the legend recorded by B. K. Dalgat, it is said that the Ingush set off in pursuit of the attackers of Nazran with naked sabers in their hands "all the way to the Nittykh River" [6, p. 70]. The Nittykhoy River (modern Netkhoy River in Chechnya) is mentioned here for a reason. The conditional border between Chechens and Western Karabulaks passed along this river.  In our opinion, this indicates that the residents of Nazran were in league with the Karabulaks. Otherwise, it is unlikely that the latter would have allowed the Nazran soldiers to pursue the attackers on their territory. The defense of Nazran apparently took place with the active participation of the Karabulaks in it.

Thus, the main reason was the refusal to accept the Muslim religion by Nazranites. All attempts by the Muslim owners to persuade the latter to do so were unsuccessful.  It was only at the beginning of the 19th century that the lowland Ingush began to convert to Islam en masse on a voluntary basis.

Judging by the available indirect data, the Ingush tribes began to make the first attempts to return to the plane back in the XVII century. In this regard, we note another version of the legend about the foundation of Nazran, which was recorded by N. F. Yakovlev: "According to legend, about 200 years ago, an Ingush named Ortsha Kertskhal, from the descendants of Malseg, came out of the mountains, from the village of Angusht, and was the first to settle on the shores of the "mother Nazran"... Kertskhal fought for the occupied land with Chechens, Ossetians, Kabardians and never let Nazran out of his hands. Little by little, the enemies began to make friends with him, and the Ingush flocked to him from the mountains and settled near him" [8, p. 347]. It is important to note that according to this version of the legend, Ortskha Kartskhal and his people were the first to occupy the vacant lands of the Nazran region after the Kabardians left. It also says here that Nazran was founded 200 years ago. If we count from the time when N. F. Yakovlev wrote down this legend, the foundation of the settlement took place at the beginning of the XVIII century. In our opinion, the narrator here does not mean the time of the founding of Nazran by Kartskhal, but the period of the first attempts of the Ingush and Karabulaks to move to the Nazran valley. Indeed, this time surprisingly coincides with the date of the migration of the Galgai to the plane, given in the "Petition" by Gudant Mudarov (150 or more years ago relative to the middle of the XIX century). In other words, the date of the Ingush migration to the plane, given in the legend, is confirmed by an archival document.

Perhaps it was a successful attempt to return the Ingush tribes to the plane in the XVII – early XVIII century. For example, one of the Ingush legends tells:  "Earlier, when our fathers lived in the mountains, this plain was in the hands of Circassian, Kabardian and Nogai princes... Mountain people also endured a lot of grief from the flat princes. To repel their attack, the best men set up their posts at the foot of the mountains. One of such posts at that time was Achamza kurgan, which is located near the village of Ekazhevo (this area on the map of Shtelin in 1771 is included in the territory of the "Ingush kists" - note M.A.). Ingush Loaman Ha, Nart Nyasar and Nart Orstho – all three, conspiring among themselves, at that time carried there is a guard there, guarding the peace of the mountain people. They say that they built this mound" [27, p. 98]. The clash with the Kabardins and the reconquest of these lands from the Nogais is also mentioned in the "Petition" of Gudant Mudarov. N. F. Dubrovin also wrote that the Chechens (meaning all the Nakh tribes) were attacked by the Nogais, Kumyks and Kabardins [28, p. 370]. It is possible that these events are connected with the armed struggle of the highlanders against the Kabardino-Nogai invasion, described in the Ingush heroic epic song "Makhkinan" [29, pp.2-3]. The legend, among other things, says that "Ortsho Kartshal and Egi Arsmak knew that this land had been captured by the Kabardian family of princes Mudarov at one time."

In our opinion, information from the legend "How the Ingush beat off the princes" is also connected with these events, which says: "In ancient times, rich princes extended their power to the Ingush lands. They prevented the Ingush from settling on the plains and oppressed them. It was the time of the appearance of firearms... they went beyond the mountains, and brought guns from there... The Ingush destroyed the princes, freed themselves from their violence and lived freely" [8, p. 415]. It is noteworthy that in almost all the legends given in this article, the flat lands are called Ingush. In other words, in the minds of the Ingush, the flat lands of the Central Caucasus were Ingush, but conquered by Kabardins and Nogais. When did this conquest take place? The above legend speaks of firearms, which appeared among the Ingush no later than the XVII century. At least, in the "article lists" we find a message that in 1604 "not far from the entrance from the north to the Daryal Gorge, mountain people came to the ambassadors at night with a concave battle" [30, p. 65]. The mention in the legends of the Nogais also suggests that the events described took place no later than the end of the XVII century, when these people still had the strength to attack the settlements of the highlanders.

It should be noted here that "Achamza Kurgan" (eng. Achamz-Boarz) is located in the area where L.L. Shteder noted Akhkiyurt settlements as inhabited by Ingush and Karabulaks. Perhaps the heroes from the legend of Loaman Ha and Nart-Orstho here are the eponyms of the Ingush and Karabulaks, and Nart-Nyasar is the eponym of the Nazran area (eng. Nansar). In this case, the legend records the joint protection of these places by Ingush tribes from steppe peoples long before their return to the Nazran Valley and other flat lands up to the Kachkalyk Mountains.

F.I. Gorepekin provides information about the settlement of the territory of the Nazran valley by the "Ingush family "Neser-mol" [31, p. 18]. We fully assume that this name is historically associated with the Nakhon-speaking population who lived here before the arrival of the Kabardins and Nogais (perhaps with the Dzurdzuk-Tsovtsy).

Thus, the Ingush tribes returned to the plain during the XVII-XIX centuries. Based on the fact that from the time of resettlement to the Nazran valley led by Ortskha Kartskhal and before the battle of 1783, the Ingush lived peacefully in a new place for 3 years (according to legend), and also taking into account L. L. Shteder's message about the Ingush post in this area, we come to the conclusion that the foundation of the first more or less permanent The Ingush settlement and the white bull slaughter ceremony in honor of this event took place no later than 1780-1781, through an agreement with the Kabardian and Kumyk owners.

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Review of the article "By the date of foundation of the first permanent Ingush settlement in the area of modern Nazran" The subject of the study is the determination of the date of foundation of the first Ingush settlement in the territory. in the area of modern Nazran, the Republic of Ingushetia, the methodology of the study. It is based on the principles of scientific, systematic, and historicism. The work uses historical-chronological, historical-genetic, etc. methods. Relevance. The study of the time of the foundation of a settlement in the North Caucasus is one of the urgent tasks of historians and local historians. The study of the time of the founding of the Ingush settlement of Nazran, which is still controversial both in the scientific community and in society. In addition, the determination of the time of Nazran's foundation can contribute to the study of the nature of migration processes from the mountain to the foothills, the relations of the Ingush with other peoples of the region, in particular with Kabardins, Kumyks, etc., as well as the relationship between subethnic groups (Galgaev, Orstkhoi, Karabulaks, etc.) Scientific novelty is determined by the formulation of the question and objectives of the study. Style, structure, content. The style of the article is generally scientific with descriptive elements. The structure of the work is logically constructed and aimed at achieving the purpose of the article. The author presents the material in a narrative style and supports the text with references to the works of his predecessors or archival documents. At the beginning of the article, the author notes that there is no exact data on the date of foundation of this settlement. In 2000, at the republican scientific and practical conference in Ingushetia, Prof. I.A. Dahgilgov proposed to consider the date of Nazran's foundation as 1781, based on the information of the Russian officer L.L. Shteder, who visited the Nazran Valley area in 1981. The author notes that "A. I. Dahkilgov himself, based on a comparison of data from Ingush folklore with The data cited by P. G. Butkov concludes that the first Ingush settlement in Nazran was founded in 1780. But for a more reasonable dating, the professor stopped at the date 1781." The author analyzes alternative versions that Nazran was founded in 1810, and on the basis of archival, folklore data and relying on a wide range of literature examines this issue and proves that the date of Nazran's foundation falls at the end of the XVIII century. (in 1781), noting that the process of resettlement of the Ingush to the plain took place gradually and in several stages. The article describes the forces competing in the region and the author writes that attempts to move to the plane began earlier, but there were no conditions for this, and "in the second half of the XVIII century, the main and competing players in the region were the royal governors, Kabardian and Dagestan princes. He emphasizes that the Russians supported the resettlement of the highlanders to the plain in pursuit of their geopolitical goals. The author analyzes a number of folklore legends, which are confirmed by archival documents, provides interesting data on the time of adoption of Islam by the Karabulaks, Gjalgai, Ingush. In conclusion, the author comes to the conclusion about the time of the founding of Nazran and writes: "the return of the Ingush tribes to the plain took place during the XVII-XIX centuries ..., the foundation of the first more or less permanent Ingush settlement and the rite of slaughter of a white bull in honor of this event took place no later than 1780-1781, through an agreement with the Kabardian and Kumyk owners". The bibliography of the work consists of 31 sources: archival documents from RGADA, RGVIA, CGA DASSR, CGA RSO-Alania; works by Russian researchers of the XIX century, as well as works published in the twentieth century and now. The bibliography makes it possible to achieve the purpose of the work. Appeal to opponents The appeal to opponents is presented at the level of work on the topic and the results obtained and in the bibliography. Conclusions, the interest of the readership. The article is written on an interesting topic and it seems that it will arouse interest in the topic under study and in the discussion on a number of issues among researchers of the North Caucasus in the XVII- early XIX centuries. The article can be recommended for publication in the journal "Historical Journal: scientific research".