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Chinese as an instrument of cultural diplomacy of the People’s Republic of China

Van To

PhD in History

Postgraduate student of Patrice Lumumba Peoples' Friendship University of Russia

117198, Russia, Moscow, Miklukho-Maklaya str., 6

1194595483@qq.com
Other publications by this author
 

 

DOI:

10.7256/2454-0641.2024.1.69516

EDN:

QEQMGU

Received:

06-01-2024


Published:

13-01-2024


Abstract: This scientific article is devoted to the role of the Chinese language in the cultural diplomacy of the People’s Republic of China. The relevance of the research topic is due to: first, the growth of the influence of the People’s Republic of China on the international arena; secondly, the acceleration of the process of transformation of the international situation, consisting in «power transition» from the USA to China; third, strengthening relations between the PRC and the countries of the collective "non-West". The object of this study is the cultural diplomacy of the PRC. The study focuses on the Chinese language as an instrument of Chinese cultural diplomacy. The aim of the study is to determine the role of the Chinese language in the cultural diplomacy of China. To achieve this goal, it is necessary to solve the following tasks: to study the process of implementing the cultural diplomacy of the People’s Republic of China in the context of «power transition», to define the role of the Chinese language in the cultural diplomacy of the People’s Republic of China in the context of «One Belt One Road». This study is based on the theory of neoliberalism, which implies the primacy of international political, economic and cultural cooperation as a factor restraining potential hostilities. The main conclusions of the study are the characteristic of cultural diplomacy as an integral part of inter-state relations, identification of the key tools for the implementation of Chinese cultural diplomacy at the present stage in the form of a symbiosis of the initiative «One Belt One Road» and the activities of the Confucius Institutes, characterization of the PRC as the key and only rival of the United States of America on the international arena in the context of the theory of «power transition».


Keywords:

China, PRC, Cultural diplomacy, Soft power, Chinese, OBOR, Power transition, USA, Deng Xiaoping, Cold War

This article is automatically translated. You can find original text of the article here.

Introduction

The relevance of the research topic is due to: firstly, the growing influence of the People's Republic of China in the international arena; secondly, the acceleration of the process of transformation of the international conjuncture, which consists in the "transit of power" from the United States to the PRC; thirdly, the strengthening of relations between the People's Republic of China and the countries of the collective non-West.

The object of the study is the cultural diplomacy of the People's Republic of China.

The subject of the study is the Chinese language as an instrument of cultural diplomacy of the People's Republic of China.

The purpose of the study is to determine the role of the Chinese language in the cultural diplomacy of the People's Republic of China. To achieve this goal, it is necessary to solve the following tasks:

1.                 To study the process of implementing cultural diplomacy of the People's Republic of China in the context of the "transit of power";

2.                 To determine the role of the Chinese language in the cultural diplomacy of the People's Republic of China in the context of the implementation of the "One Belt, One Road" initiative

Theoretical and methodological basis of the study. This work is based on the theory of neoliberalism, which implies the primacy of international political, economic and cultural cooperation as a factor constraining potential hostilities.

Cultural diplomacy of the People's Republic of China in the context of the "transit of power"

Cultural diplomacy is an integral part of "soft power", a theory proposed by American political scientist Joseph Nye. By itself, "soft power" is based on the principle of "soft" pressure on states in order to achieve the desired result (a similar desire on the part of the state, which is "soft" force). As J. himself writes. Nye: "This second aspect of power – which occurs when one country gets other countries to want that it wants – might be called co-operative or soft power in contrast with the hard or command power of ordering others to do what it wants" (rus. This second aspect [an unconventional aspect in the behavior of great powers] of power, which arises when one country forces other countries to want what it [a great power] wants, can be called co-operative or soft power, which acts as the opposite of hard or command power to order other [countries] to do what they want) J. Nye notes that soft power is just as important an instrument of influence as classical force, especially after the end of the Cold War. J. Nye allocates the following soft power resources:

1. Cultural appeal;

2. Ideology;

3. International institutions [1];

According to the author of this article, the "starting point" of soft power can be considered the beginning of the Cold War, a stage in the history of mankind marked by the confrontation of the great powers based on the opposition of the ideologies dominant in them in the face of capitalism and Marxism with its offshoots.

In turn, cultural diplomacy is an integral part of interstate relations. Experts studying cultural diplomacy identify the following tools for implementing this type of interstate relations:

1. Art;

2. Craft;

3. Education;

4. Ideas;

5. History;

6. Science;

7. Medicine;

8. Technology;

9. Religion;

10. Customs;

11. Norms;

12. Trading;

13. Philanthropy;

14. Sports;

15. language;

16. Professions (as skills);

17. hobbies;

18. Various elements of mass media [2].

In the context of studying China's cultural diplomacy, it is worth noting that until the rise of the People's Republic of China in the second half of the 20th century, the main elements of China's cultural diplomacy were handicrafts, science, medicine, technology and trade. For many centuries, China remained a very closed state for Europe, where the key players on the world stage of those years were concentrated. The Chinese language could be used by a narrow circle of people directly or indirectly connected with the Middle Kingdom, for example, merchants.

The turning point in the popularization of the Chinese language and the People's Republic of China as such is the beginning of the implementation of Deng Xiaoping's reform and openness policy in China and the end of the Cold War. Let's look at each historical process in more detail.

The policy of reform and openness. After the end of the civil war and the victory of the Communist movement led by Mao Zedong in it, the People's Republic of China remained a very underdeveloped state, plagued by a significant number of significant problems, among which one can highlight the poverty of the population, the destruction in two wars (the civil war and the occupation of China by Japan during World War II), logistical and industrial the state's bases, the lack of necessary up-to-date technologies. All the previously identified problems were solved during the implementation of Deng Xiaoping's promising reforms. The previously mentioned transformations consisted in attracting foreign capital to the PRC. From a Marxist point of view, such a policy can be described as revisionist, but the complication of relations with the "locomotive" of socialist ideas in the face of the USSR contributed to the "thaw" in relations with the West.

The attraction of foreign capital contributed to the concentration of foreign production in the territory of the People's Republic of China, there are many reasons for such an outcome, but in this case it is worth highlighting only one – the cheapness of labor, which helped reduce costs on the part of large and medium-sized capitalists.

According to the World Bank (eng. The World Bank), the GDP of the People's Republic of China in the period 1978-1991 increased from 218.5 billion US dollars to 413.4 billion dollars [3]. The flow of foreign direct investment (FDI) in relation to the country's GDP increased to 1.1% in 1991 [4]. Since 1978, China's GDP growth has not taken negative values, ranging from 2.2% to 15.2% [5].

The result of Deng Xiaoping's policy of reform and openness can be considered the forced attraction of foreign capital to the PRC, which contributed to the elimination of problems that arose after the end of the civil war, however, the People's Republic of China, accumulating the production capacities of the largest players, could not realize its own potential of a great power by the end of the Cold War.

The end of the Cold War. The Cold War, which consisted in the confrontation of former allies in the fight against Nazi Germany and its allies, was built on an ideological basis and was expressed in an arms race, proxy wars and technological confrontation, but this conflict ended not on the battlefield, but inside the Soviet Union, which led to its collapse.

The Soviet Union, being the leader of the "Eastern bloc", was a key actor of cultural diplomacy in the international arena, whose influence was, of course, mainly based on the ideology of Marxism-Leninism, however, other aspects of cultural diplomacy contributed to the communication of the USSR with third countries.

However, after the collapse of the Soviet Union, an entire area of socio-political and economic perception of the world was liberated, which opposed the cultural diplomacy of the United States.

After the end of the Cold War and the fall of the Soviet Union, the international arena maintained a unipolar environment led by the United States for more than 20 years. According to the theory of "transit of power", the only rival of the United States in the international arena may be the People's Republic of China, which exerts significant pressure on the areas of US influence, which include both "hard power" in the face of the armed forces and economic influence, and "soft power", which includes technological influence, cultural attractiveness and international institutes [6].  

The role of the Chinese language in the cultural diplomacy of the People's Republic of China in the context of the implementation of the "One Belt, One Road" initiative

As previously indicated, the People's Republic of China at the present stage of the development of international relations is a key rival to the United States of America, which achieved world domination after the end of the Cold War and maintained this position on the world stage for more than 20 years.

The key tools for the implementation of Chinese cultural diplomacy at the present stage are the symbiosis of the One Belt, One Road project and the activities of Confucius institutes.

The activities of the Confucius Institutes include teaching the Chinese language and Chinese culture, training professional staff, conducting tests and exams on Chinese language proficiency, and adapting Chinese media products. The network of Confucius Institutes at the beginning of 2024 includes more than 500 educational organizations.

The activities of Confucius institutes in the territory of the Russian Federation are of great interest. These organizations are represented in the following cities: Moscow, St. Petersburg, Blagoveshchensk, Vladivostok, Volgograd, Irkutsk, Kazan, Novosibirsk, Ryazan, Tomsk, Ulan-Ude, Yaroslavl, etc. [7]. The first Confucius Institute in Russia was opened in 2007 on the basis of the Russian State University for the Humanities (RGGU) in Moscow [8].

At the same time, the number of Confucius institutes in the United States is steadily decreasing: According to the National Association of Scholars of the United States, the number of Confucius institutes in the United States has decreased from 118 to 10 institutions. However, despite the termination of the activities of the previously designated organizations in the United States, the influence of Chinese cultural diplomacy has not decreased due to the preservation of educational programs of Confucius institutes under a different "brand" [9]. Based on the previously cited data, it can be concluded that Confucius institutes are an effective tool of cultural diplomacy of the People's Republic of China, as indicated by the policy pursued by the United States of America to ban their activities in the country.

 The Belt and Road Initiative, which aims to build optimal trade routes connecting the People's Republic of China and European countries, was announced in 2013. Chinese President Xi Jinping [10]. This initiative mainly consists in reducing the cost of transporting goods produced on the territory of the Middle Kingdom, for which two transport corridors were created: the Economic Belt of the New Silk Road (eng. New Silk Road Economic Belt) (land) and Maritime Silk Road of the XXI century (English 21st Century Maritime Silk Road) [11]. However, in addition to the economic component, cultural exchange between the peoples of the States participating in the implementation of the initiative also plays an important role.

Based on the information on the official Internet portal of the Belt and Road, it can be seen that more than 1,000 student mobility projects were implemented in the context of an initiative by Chinese educational organizations at the time of 2016 [12]. More than 300 thousand Chinese students study in the territory of the participating states of the initiative, at the same time, more than 200 thousand foreign students study in the territory of the People's Republic of China [13].

It is important to note that the Russian Federation occupies one of the leading positions in cooperation with the PRC in the scientific field: according to the Vedomosti information portal, in 2023, more than 37 thousand Chinese students studied in Russia, at the same time, the number of Russian students studying in the PRC continues to increase after the end of restrictions, caused by the COVID-19 epidemic: in the period 2022-2023, the number of students from the Russian Federation reached 1,640 people, which is 30% of the indicators of the previous academic year [14].

In the context of the Belt and Road initiative, one of the priorities is given to art, cultural and technological exchange: in order to promote Chinese culture and the Chinese language as an instrument of its perception, the leadership of the People's Republic of China is permanently building up partnerships with various administrative and territorial units of states by building up a network of twin cities, organizing exhibitions of classical Chinese culture, and producing joint with other states of films and cartoons, video game production. 

Thus, it can be concluded that the Chinese language plays one of the most important roles in the cultural diplomacy of the People's Republic of China at the present stage, the main instruments of which are the synergy of the "One Belt, One Road" initiative and the activities of Confucius institutes abroad.

Conclusion

Summing up all the above, we can conclude that cultural diplomacy has been an integral part of interstate relations throughout the history of mankind; the "soft power" proposed by American political scientist Joseph Nye, according to the author, originated in its usual perception only during the Cold War; the beginning of Deng Xiaoping's policy of reform and openness and the end of the Cold War it can rightfully be considered turning points in the popularization of the Chinese language, Chinese culture and the People's Republic of China as such; in the context of the theory of "transit of power", the key rival of the United States in the international arena is the PRC, capable of resisting all types of "power" of the United States; the key tools for the implementation of Chinese cultural diplomacy at the present stage is the symbiosis of the "One Belt" initiative – one way" and the activities of the Confucius Institutes.

References
1. Nye, J.S. (1990). Soft Power. Foreign Policy, 80, 153–171.
2. Kamali-Chirani, F. (2021). Cultural Diplomacy as Theory and Practice. Cultural Diplomacy in the Time of COVID-19: Updating SDG-17 (Partnership for Goals), 4–5.
3. GDP (current US$) – China. Retrieved from https://data.worldbank.org/indicator/NY.GDP.MKTP.CD?locations=CN
4. Foreign direct investment, net inflows (% of GDP) – China. Retrieved from https://data.worldbank.org/indicator/BX.KLT.DINV.WD.GD.ZS?locations=CN
5. GDP growth (annual %) – China. Retrieved from https://data.worldbank.org/indicator/NY.GDP.MKTP.KD.ZG?locations=CN
6. Degterev, D.A., & Ramich, M.S., & Tsvyk, A.V. (2021). U.S. – China: “Power Transition” and the Outlines of “Conflict Bipolarity”. Vestnik RUDN. International Relations, 21(2), 210–231.
7. Wang, T. (2023). The role of the Confucius Institutes in the dissemination of the Chinese language in the Russian Federation. International relations, 4, 58–66.
8. Belchenko, A.S. (2010). Confucius institutes activity in Russian Federation. RUDN Journal of World History, 1, 65–74.
9How Many Confucius Institutes Are in the United States? Retrieved from https://www.nas.org/blogs/article/how_many_confucius_institutes_are_in_the_united_states
10. Glantz, M. (2017). China’s «one Belt, one Road» (OBOR) Initiative: What a Difference «Brand» can make. Post-Soviet Issues, 4(1), 8–19.
11. The Belt & Road Initiative. Retrieved from https://www.newsilkroadnetwork.com/belt-and-road
12. One Belt, One Road. Retrieved from https://rus.yidaiyilu.gov.cn/ydylzt.htm
13. Arts and Culture. Retrieved from http://onebeltoneroad.com/en/intro/arts-and-culture
14. Number of Chinese students in Russian higher education institutions received 37081. Retrieved from https://www.vedomosti.ru/society/articles/2023/03/22/967543-v-rossiiskih-vuzah-obuchaetsya-37-081-kitaiskii-student

First Peer Review

Peer reviewers' evaluations remain confidential and are not disclosed to the public. Only external reviews, authorized for publication by the article's author(s), are made public. Typically, these final reviews are conducted after the manuscript's revision. Adhering to our double-blind review policy, the reviewer's identity is kept confidential.
The list of publisher reviewers can be found here.

In the modern world, drastic changes in the world order are taking place before our eyes: The tired North American colossus is being replaced by a number of actors, including China, Russia, India, Iran, etc. Without a doubt, Russia plays an important role in the formation of a multipolar world: This is noted by both domestic and foreign observers. At the same time, the new world order requires careful study of the foreign policy activities of the new colossuses, one of which is rightfully Beijing. These circumstances determine the relevance of the article submitted for review, the subject of which is the Chinese language as an instrument of cultural diplomacy of the People's Republic of China. The author sets out to study the process of implementing cultural diplomacy of the People's Republic of China in the context of the "transit of power", as well as to determine the role of the Chinese language in cultural diplomacy of the People's Republic of China in the context of the implementation of the "One Belt, One Road" initiative. The work is based on the principles of analysis and synthesis, reliability, objectivity, the methodological basis of the research is a systematic approach, which is based on the consideration of the object as an integral complex of interrelated elements. The scientific novelty of the article lies in the very formulation of the topic: the author, based on various sources, seeks to characterize the role of the Chinese language in the cultural diplomacy of the People's Republic of China. Considering the bibliographic list of the article, as a positive point, we note its versatility: in total, the list of references includes 11 different sources and studies. The undoubted advantage of the reviewed article is the attraction of foreign English-language literature, which is determined by the very formulation of the topic. From the sources attracted by the author, we will point to the materials of the World Bank, as well as the portal of the One Belt– One Road initiative. From the studies used, we will point to the works of T. Wang and M. Gloss, which focus on various aspects of Chinese diplomatic initiatives. Note that the bibliography of the article is important both from a scientific and educational point of view: after reading the text of the article, readers can turn to other materials on its topic. In general, in our opinion, the integrated use of various sources and research contributed to the solution of the tasks facing the author. The style of writing the article can be attributed to scientific, but at the same time understandable not only to specialists, but also to a wide readership, to anyone interested in both modern China in general and Chinese cultural diplomacy in particular. The appeal to the opponents is presented at the level of the collected information received by the author during the work on the topic of the article. The structure of the work is characterized by a certain logic and consistency, it can be distinguished by an introduction, the main part, and conclusion. At the beginning, the author defines the relevance of the topic, shows that "the turning point in the popularization of the Chinese language and the People's Republic of China as such is the beginning of the implementation of Deng Xiaoping's reform and openness policy in China and the end of the Cold War." The author draws attention to the fact that "the key tools for the implementation of Chinese cultural diplomacy at the present stage is the symbiosis of the One Belt, One Road project and the activities of Confucius institutes." It is noteworthy that, as noted in the reviewed article, "the leadership of the People's Republic of China is permanently building up partnerships with various administrative and territorial units of states by building up a network of twin cities, organizing exhibitions of classical Chinese culture, producing films and cartoons jointly with other states, and producing video games." The main conclusion of the article is that "cultural diplomacy has been an integral part of interstate relations throughout the history of mankind," while the "soft power" proposed by American political scientist Joseph Nye, according to the author, originated in its usual perception only during the Cold War." The article submitted for review is devoted to an urgent topic, will arouse readers' interest, and its materials can be used both in training courses and within the framework of cultural diplomacy strategies. At the same time, there are comments on the article: 1) First of all, there is a lack of specific data on the work of Confucius institutes, including in Russia. 2) It is advisable to use the method of expert assessments to show the opinion of various observers on the work of Confucius Institutes. 3) The figures given by the author are largely outdated, refer to 2004, 2016. After correcting these comments, the article may be recommended for publication in the journal International Relations.

Second Peer Review

Peer reviewers' evaluations remain confidential and are not disclosed to the public. Only external reviews, authorized for publication by the article's author(s), are made public. Typically, these final reviews are conducted after the manuscript's revision. Adhering to our double-blind review policy, the reviewer's identity is kept confidential.
The list of publisher reviewers can be found here.

The topic of soft power in diplomacy, or soft diplomacy, is one of the most popular and in-demand in the modern science of international relations. In the context of global changes and various configurations of the world balance of power, "soft diplomacy", the possibility of spreading the cultural influence of states, acts as an alternative tool in building a stable world system. This article is devoted to the cultural diplomacy of the People's Republic of China and the Chinese language as a way to promote Chinese civilization in the international arena. The relevance of the research in the introduction is justified in sufficient detail by the author, the subject area and the object of research, its key target setting and the list of tasks implemented in the publication are defined. As a methodological basis, the author relies on the concept of neoliberalism, which emphasizes the importance of cooperation in the global international arena. The article is properly structured, the introductory part describes the main concepts used in the study, and makes a thorough historical excursion into the foreign policy activities of the People's Republic of China since its formation as a global player and a leading international power. The key tools of soft diplomacy and a list of cultural tools in international politics are described. The author considers the Chinese foreign policy concept "One Belt, one Road" as an important political initiative. The study as a whole is based on a fairly solid set of sources, although the list of references could be expanded, including through foreign articles, publications and empirical sources. It is important to emphasize that the article is potentially of very significant interest to the readership of the journal International Relations, it is written in a good scientific language, contains conclusions that are significant for researchers, which indicate its theoretical and practical significance. At the same time, the article could be supplemented with an analytical review on the degree of spread of the Chinese language in Russia - this issue is only partially addressed in the study. The author should pay attention not only to the number of students from China studying in the country, but also to the structure of curricula, which include subjects related to the study of culture and politics of modern China. In this regard, modern university educational programs in the field of Oriental Studies are a very striking example of cultural diplomacy "on the other side". Relations between the two countries, Russia and China, are developing very harmoniously, and in this regard, the prospect of spreading the Chinese language is very optimistic and beneficial for mutual cooperation between the states. Despite the possibility of significant revision of the article, the subject and purpose indicated in it are fully disclosed, therefore the article can be recommended for publication without making significant changes. There is no doubt that it will lay the foundation for a productive scientific discussion on the pages of the journal International Relations.