Linguistic and cultural specificity of euphemistic gender nominations (on the material of Uzbek, Russian and English languages)

Alimov Timur Ermekovich Postgraduate student, Department of Foreign Languages, Patrice Lumumba Peoples' Friendship University of Russia 117198, Russia, Moscow, Miklukho-Maklaya str., 6 alimovcom@mail.ru Other publications by this author

1. Introduction

Currently, the gender parameter plays a significant role in English-speaking society, especially in the American one, where the feminist movement stimulated the spread of political correctness, which affects the formation of linguistic discourse. Of interest is the manifestation and fixation of the "female image" in euphemisms, which are created taking into account the principle of politeness. Also important are the changes that politeness induced under the guise of political correctness (especially with a gender component) in modern English, Russian and Uzbek languages in the light of the promoted tolerance, which determines the relevance of this study.

To achieve this goal, the following tasks must be solved: 1) to select the euphemistic nominations of the gender thematic group from Uzbek-speaking, Russian-speaking and English-speaking euphemistic dictionaries; 2) to consider the implementation of euphemistic nominations from the point of view of the pragmatic principle of politeness; 3) to determine the reasons for the national and cultural specificity of the nomination of the studied gender topics by native speakers of two languages and identify differential and universal signs, including semantic universals and linguistic-pragmatic maxims.

The main research methods were the continuous sampling method, descriptive, dictionary definition analysis, and the cross-cultural method.

2. The main part

Currently, there is no doubt that languages are influenced by culture, traditions, religion, psychological orientation and other social factors of peoples. Any development in one of these areas will be reflected in an expressive tool - language. One of the cultural reflections in language is an attempt by speakers or writers to hide certain words or expressions that are prohibited in public places by individuals, society or religion. This process is what is linguistically called a euphemistic unit. In recent decades, there has been an increase in interest in studying the phenomenon of euphemia. The researchers seek to identify the patterns of functioning of euphemistic expressions and describe their ethno- and socio-cultural features. Given the spread of political correctness, it is especially important to study the gender aspect of euphemization.

The study of euphemism is primarily related to pragmatic principles that serve as the basis for generating euphemistic nominations. The very definition of euphemism emphasizes that the main motivation for a speaker to use euphemistic units is politeness. The issue of politeness is one of the most important and productive areas of research in pragmatics and sociolinguistics.

Consider the definition of euphemism given by K. Allanon and K. Burridge, which establishes a direct connection between the euphemistic unit and the well-known Brown/Levinson theory of politeness. Scientists define the phenomenon of euphemism "as an expression used as an alternative to a non-preferred expression in order to avoid possible loss of face: either the speaker, the audience, or any third party" ^[18]. It should be noted that euphemistic nominations, which serve as a tool to prevent possible communicative failures in the communication process, "contain information about moral values and ethical prescriptions of society" ^{[15, pp. 32-33]}. According to G.Sh. Shermatova, "the national form is formed through specific elements, signs and traits that have an international character, for example, ethics and aesthetics" ^{[17, p. 45]}.

Consequently, euphemistic units represent one of the many linguistic means that are used to express politeness. Like euphemism, "politeness has a pragmatic meaning, and it takes into account the needs of the addressee. The use of euphemisms and polite forms is usually conditioned by moral motives and the desire to avoid conflicts" ^{[4, p. 48]}.

In fact, in the case of euphemization, the principle of politeness is often applied, which is one of the basic principles of pragmatics. These euphemisms are usually used to soften the mention of various physical and mental disabilities.

The study focuses on the pragmatic features of the creation and use of "gender-polite" euphemistic units of the compared languages. By "gender-polite" euphemistic nominations, we mean word forms that are created and used taking into account the principle of politeness when addressing female/male persons (in this case, female).

In our case, we find a more precise definition of the principle of politeness in the Russian researcher T.V. Larina, who defines politeness as "a universal communicative category that forms a system of nationally specific behavioral strategies aimed at harmonious, conflict-free communication and meeting the expectations of a partner" ^[11].

From the point of view of a broad approach, politeness is defined "as a type of social interaction based on, on the one hand, respect for the personality of the interlocutor, for his opinions, interests and desires and the desire to prevent possible conflict situations and, on the other hand, the presentation of the speaker's linguistic competence as a well-mannered member of this society. Observance of the principle of politeness is aimed at achieving maximum efficiency of social interaction" ^{[2, p. 3]}.

When discussing the linguistic means that are used to express the idea of politeness, it should be noted that "... in all languages of all cultures there is a system of linguistic means in which the meaning of an inviolable attitude to the social appearance of a person is fixed" ^{[22, p. 56]}. The basis of these means of expression are "frozen forms of addresses, codified by means of the pronominal and verbal systems of the language; free forms of addresses (names, titles, titles, etc.); stereotypical etiquette formulas" [ibid., p. 57].

Nevertheless, when analyzing the conceptual aspect of euphemia, we found that certain euphemistic concepts may be due to religious or regulatory factors, as well as the desire to keep information hidden from recipients. Thus, the principle of politeness is one of the many factors that influence the use of euphemistic units.

Thus, in the Uzbek language, the root of the euphemistic concept is closely related to religion. In the Muslim religion, saying bad words, even upsetting someone with direct words is considered a sin. A Muslim should respect and speak in beautiful, kind, pleasant words. As a result, many rude, unpleasant words are replaced with more positive ones to avoid misunderstandings between the speaker and the listener. It is also noticeable between parents and children, wife and husband, the elderly and youth.

For example, in Uzbek discourse, in family relations, male family members strictly have respect among the female sex, in that "religious beliefs and traditions of upbringing in the Uzbek family oblige men to be breadwinners for women, and in exchange for support, women must be obedient and serve their husbands, fathers and sons. They must keep their virginity, and after marriage, fidelity, chastity and complete devotion to their husbands are prerequisites for maintenance. Women are considered weak and easily suppressed by men. Therefore, they need protection from the strong desires of men" ^{[1, p. 52]}, in connection with which some concepts that are absent in Russian and English have been reflected. They refer to taboo personal names (husband, father-in-law, mother-in-law and son-in-law) in family relationships and prohibit their use. Thus, the primary concept of khotin (wife) is umr yoldoshi (life partner), juft halol (couple), ael (wife), (bride), kelin turmush shrtogi (spouse). The wives also have several initial nominations, such as: onasi (the mother of my children), rafikam (my beloved), bollarim (my family), turmush shtok (my life partner), zhufti halolim (my soulmate). English men call their wives my sweetest or my sweetie.

The mother-in-law is called oyizhon, ayazhon (my dear mother). Father-in-law's name is dadajon, adajon (my dear father). However, native English speakers refer to their husband's side simply by their name, for example, Mr. Kevin, Mrs.Kate. Even the connotation of bride is interpreted differently in the languages being compared. In Uzbek culture, the concept of kelin (bride) carries a much greater responsibility in the husband's family. She must take into account every little thing: cooking, housework, child care, family care, household items and always be in a good mood. For this reason, the bride is euphemized by the mental unit kelinposhsha (queen bride), kelinchak (sweet bride). However, English and Russian brides do not care about such responsibilities in their husband's family. They follow democratic ideas in family relationships ^[20].

When it comes to taboo word forms, speakers exhibit behavior that implies the existence of a direct connection between the physical appearance of words and their forbidden meaning. This explains why these nominations are so unstable and have quite a powerful effect.

Comparing euphemia and politeness, G.A. Vildanova comes to the conclusion that they are not synonymous, "politeness stimulates the use of only certain groups of euphemisms. In some cases, politeness is the "main" factor dictating the use of euphemisms, in some cases it acts as a "concomitant", secondary, and we can observe the combinatoricity of several factors" ^{[4, p. 47]}.

E.P. Ivanyan compares and distinguishes euphemia and politeness (in the context of the Russian language) and believes that many means of expressing politeness are often mistakenly confused with euphemistic units, such as "forms of address (replacing you with you), words with diminutive suffixes, the comparative degree of qualitative adjectives and adverbs prefixed by, verb forms with the prefix under-" ^{[8, 11]}, the scientist adds that these lexemes are implemented in the form of mitigating and polite forms, however, "do not have a negative denotation and therefore are not euphemisms" [ibid., p. 12].

Nevertheless, it is worth adding that Uzbek discourse is characterized by speech ethics, which prescribes not to address adults by name, but to use the concepts of addressing "ota (dad), otakhon (daddy), she (mom), onakhon (mommy), buvi (buva) (grandma), bobo (grandpa), momo (grandma)" ^{[1, p. 56]}, which contain signs of euphemization. These forms of address are euphemized by using a nominative approach, in which a stranger is called a loved one, and at the same time the subjective-evaluative endings are added -hon, -jon.

According to Z.D. Popova and I.A. Sternin, "in the study of the culture of speech communication and speech etiquette, the concept of "communicative taboo" is highlighted, which is a ban on the use of words, expressions, phrases in any situation, or a ban on touching upon, discussing certain topics, problems in certain situations" ^{[13, p. 101]}, which encourages the use of euphemistic nominations. Despite this, researcher E.P. Ivanyan adds that the condition for the implementation of the means of the category of politeness in the form of euphemization is the presence of a stigmatized denotation "(for example, "suitable" instead of "late")" ^{[8, p. 65]}. Thus, if there is a need not only to mitigate, but also to "improve" the negative connotation, then with the help of any linguistic means, the principle of politeness can be used as a euphemization process.

3. Analysis and results of the study

The use of traditional euphemistic nominations, which are widespread in advertising, fiction and the media, revealed the presence of stereotypes and norms of behavior in various societies. This is especially true of the negative aspects associated with the "feminine" image, which are traditionally reproached by communities, discouraged and cause shame, as a result of which they are euphemized.

The results of the analysis allow us to identify several thematic groups in the euphemistic thesaurus associated with the "feminine" image.

The first group consists of euphemistic nominations that express various evaluative characteristics. They include concepts that reflect the attitude of society towards the behavior and marital status of women. Some of them may be of an uncomplimentary nature. In English, the euphemistic nominations are no better than she should be (a slutty woman) and not all she should be (not like everyone else) they help the addressee to vaguely express a negative attitude towards a "woman of easy virtue." As R. Holder notes, these expressions are often used by ladies "in years" in relation to young women ^[19].

It should be noted that in English, such evaluative euphemistic nominations are often accompanied by sarcasm. For example, expressions: fishing fleet ("fishing flotilla", this expression is mainly used to refer to girls of marriageable age who went abroad in search of dooming a married couple), on the shelf ("stale goods" – used to describe an unmarried woman who has virtually no chance of getting married), wallflower (used to describe an unattractive young person who is not invited to dance) [ibid.].

In the Russian language, the following euphemistic variants serve as substitutes for the word form prostitute: "daisy, lemon (a woman who provides services for oral sexual intercourse), pistachio (a minor prostitute specializing in providing services for oral sexual intercourse) and shawl, moth, grayling fish" ^{[14, p. 232]}.

Omonturdiev's dictionary also records a functional and semantic number of euphemisms that have a meaning belonging to prostitution, these are colloquial, linguistic euphemisms instead of zhalab (prostitute, corrupt woman): asl mato (original, nothing at all), anandaka (she is like that, in the sense of selling), badanfurush (selling her body), bebosh ael (a woman without prejudice), bejo yuradigan (frivolous), bezak (decoration, in the sense of a prostitute), iflos (dirty), yigitlar kynglini ovlab yuradigan (dosl. the hunter of men's hearts), Kelin bylish baҳtidan mahrum (who previously deprived herself of the happiness of being a bride) ^{[12, pp. 59-64]}.

The second group consists of euphemistic nominations that camouflage all kinds of physical disabilities of the female sex. The group of euphemistic units related to the appearance and figure of women is very extensive, which is explained by the increased attention paid by women to their appearance and the desire to be beautiful. Note that the problem of "overweight" and "fullness" is an accelerator for the emergence of many euphemistic expressions. When describing a plump woman in English, the concepts "fullfigured, ample, well-built, built, well-fleshed, filled out, pleasantly plump, big boned" are currently used^{[20; 21]}. Commercial goals and the desire to attract the attention of customers to the purchase of a certain product are the basis for the creation of such euphemistic units, so as not to offend their feelings. Basically, clothing sizes for large ladies are tactfully labeled as mature figure (sizes for mature), Big Gal (sizes for big girls), woman's size (women's sizes), queen size (royal sizes) [ibid.].

In Russian culture, the attitude to the concept of beauty is idiosyncratic, which distinguishes it from the attitude of the Anglo-Saxon mentality. Russian Russians, according to I.A. Sternin and Z.D. Popova, "mainly focus their attention on external factors in communication, which emphasizes the popularity of compliments to a person's appearance in Russian communicative culture" ^{[13, p. 33]}. Compliments do not fall under the sphere of taboos, they are welcome, since an adequate compliment allows you to establish a good relationship with a communicant. In addition, what is unacceptable in English culture is quite acceptable in Russian culture. For example, consider the case of A. Vezhbitskaya's description of the situation of close friends at the airport (between a young man and a lady):

"You've been sitting, old lady!

- And you've grown fat, my dear!" ^{[3, p. 24]}.

The author explains the possibility of using direct denotations, since "in Russian culture, these remarks are permissible in the name of truth and the ideal of sincerity associated with truth" [ibid., p. 24].

In the Uzbek language, when referring to the fullness of a woman, the following euphemisms are used: dimbok (well-fed), dyn'dik (lush), dyn'dikcha (lush), tyla (fat), bilik (there is something to hold on to) ^[9]. It is also worth noting that in Western linguoculture, the word mole means an external birth defect on the skin, but among the Uzbek people, a mole on the face is considered a symbol of innate beauty. Especially in Uzbek classical literature, this symbol is praised as grace. For example, Agar kynglimni shod etsa shshal Sheroz jononi, Karo holiga bakhsh etgum Samarkand Bukhoroni (Theophysis of Sheroziy). (If it makes my soul happy) this beauty is Sheraza (the name of the area), for her black mole I will give Samarkand and Bukhara.).

In Uzbek discourse, we have identified a linguistic-specific group associated with the age of the female sex, which is usually "divided into three stages according to the periodic signs of her life: the period of youth: kizalok / kiz (girl, girl); growing up: kelin / rafika/ khotin/ ael / she (daughter-in-law, spouse, wife, woman, mother); old age: bouvi / kainona (grandmother, mother-in-law)" ^{[1, p. 54]}. In addition, age performs the function of euphemizing marriage for the female sex, which is a national specificity peculiar to the Uzbek people, possessing the following concepts "tylmok (to grow up), balogatga etmok (to reach adulthood), byyi(ga) etmok (to reach maturity), kyzga kirinmok (to become prominent), kyzga tashlanib kolmok (to stand out), katta kiz bylib kolmok (to become an adult girl), yn oltiga kirmok (sixteenth birthday), yn sakkizga kirmok (eighteenth birthday)" [ibid., p. 54].

It is important that in the Uzbek tradition, as in the East in general, marriage is considered the responsibility of an adult girl. According to Uzbek traditions, a girl who has reached the age of majority must marry, which is considered the duty of her parents to marry her off. Of course, it is completely incorrect to say erga berish (to marry), erga tegish (to get married) due to speech etiquette, therefore, the original concepts of turmushga bermok (to get married), kuevga bermok (to hand over to the groom), egasiga topshirmok (to give to the owner), uzatmok (to give out), chikarmok kabi, turmush are used in the Uzbek language kurmok (literally to build a marriage), turmushga chikmok (to get married), uy kilmok (to build a hearth).

The third group includes euphemistic nominations denoting physiological processes and parts of the female body. The group of euphemistic substitutes under consideration is conditioned by strict moral, religious norms and shame. Here are some examples.

When describing a pregnant woman, the following linguistic and pragmatic maxims should be used: expecting, anticipating, big (big, recovered). This group also includes euphemistic nominations used by women to go to the bathroom if necessary.: "to powder one's nose and to fix one's face. It is obvious that such euphemisms differ in gender labeling (men do not powder their noses!), and their use is characteristic of female speech" ^{[5, p. 1034]}.

In the Russian language, we found a large group in a (delicate, interesting, happy, such) position, waiting for a stork, pregnant, expecting a child – instead of pregnant, to get pregnant, to get pregnant, to get heavy, to carry, pulled on salty – to get pregnant, whereas in the Uzbek language there are only 4 euphemistic nominations buyida bylmok (in meaning "to be pregnant"), gumoni bor (pregnant), Donny chykimok (to get pregnant), dujon (dosl. two souls in the meaning of "pregnant").

Also, euphemistic associations are used for women who are going to give birth, In the short dictionary of euphemisms of the Uzbek language A.Zh. Omonturdiyev, a number of linguistic and pragmatic maxims are used to denote tugmok (birth of a child): oh-kuni yakin (the month is not far off), oh-kuni etmok (to reach the lunar day), oiga ishora kilmok (to indicate to the moon), which means "tugish arafasida / on the threshold of childbirth", bola kırmok (to see a child), bolali bılmok (to have a child), bıshalmok (to be freed), vujudga kelmok (to be born), dunega kelmok (to come into this world), kelmok keltirmok (to produce), dune yuzini kursatmok (show your face to the world), engil bilmok (relieve yourself, get free), hadya etmok (make a gift) ^{[12, p. 12]}.In "Shzbek tili gender khoslangan euphemismlarning kiskacha izoeli lugati" by Sh.Gulyamova, in relation to the replacement of the phrase to give birth to a child, euphemisms are recorded: dunega keltirmok (to bring into the world, to give birth), jonidan zhon buned etmok (to give birth, to give birth), kyzi yerimok (meaning to give birth), shgil kyrmok (to see a son) ^[6].

When it comes time to give birth, in English linguoculture it is customary to say t o be in a family way (to be in an interesting position), bun in the oven (to wait for a child), knocked up (literally to fly), baby bump (to have a belly), in a family way (to be in an interesting position).

Considering the direct denotations of this group, we found euphemistic substitutes that refer to the direct designation of sexual intercourse. So, in Russian, some of them include the following substitutes: buy a filly to go / go, seed someone-L., fuck someone-L. (often used in the context of homosexual sexual acts, often with violence), soar a snag and cock someone-L. (most often used to refer to anal intercourse, also often with violence) ^[10].

Comparing with the Uzbek language, we found that the euphemization of sexual intercourse among native speakers of Uzbek culture is associated with the linguistic and pragmatic maxim ish (work) "ishini bazharmok (to do work), ishini bitirmok (to finish work), ishini kilmok (to do work)" ^{[1, p. 55]}, the semantics of which does not possess a stigmatized sign, but on the contrary, is an abstracted, generalized one, obscuring the shades of "rudeness" and "shame" and euphemistic nominations denoting sexual relations without an official marriage: emon yalga kirgan (to embark on a bad path), yurib ketgan (to go on a spree), yur(adi)gan (walking), ҳalol emas (unclean(th)), replacing the shameful concept of fornication.

In Uzbek linguistic culture, adultery is usually understood as the betrayal of a man and a woman. Various poetic techniques and metaphors are involved in the creation of concepts related to sexual intimacy, such as "birga bilmok (to be together), birga etmok (to lie together), yakin munosabatda bilmok (to be in a close relationship), yakinlik kilmok (to retire), aloka kilmok (to have connections)" [ibid., c 55] and euphemisms characteristic of Uzbek discourse, veiling the virginity of kizlik (the presence of virginity): for (modesty), or (honor), nomus, bakorat (chastity), birinchi kechalik (the first night), kerakli narsa (necessity), kimmatbakho narsa (value), ulug nemat (great blessing), Bahorni kyrmagan chechak (a beautiful flower that has not yet seen spring), bokira (pure in the meaning of "virgin") ^[12].

In general, in the Uzbek tradition, the topic of sex is taboo and in the language of the Uzbek society living with Islamic beliefs, it is not mentioned openly. When it is necessary to mention, various euphemistic units are used (graphic means such as punctuation in written speech). According to A.J. Omonturdiev, "140 euphemistic ways of having sex have been recorded" [ibid., p. 50]. Consequently, in Uzbek, the speaker feels embarrassed and in an uncomfortable position when talking about sexual intimacy. It is this national cultural norm that has created the need for veiled expression of sexual behavior.

There is a difference in the attitude towards the expression of sexual concepts in English, Russian and Uzbek linguistic cultures. In English and Russian cultures, it is possible to openly discuss this topic, but in Uzbek culture it is under strict restrictions. The Uzbek people, who adhere to ancient traditions, romantic relationships between a man and a woman outside of marriage are unacceptable. Because of this, the moral norms of the Uzbek people do not allow open and direct discussion of the form and content of intersex relations.

So, we can identify metaphorical euphemisms associated with taboo parts of the body, and note that they are more common in Russian and Uzbek linguistic cultures than in English, since in them the way of thinking about the world is based more on metaphors, that is, observation begins with self-recognition of similar and inappropriate things and grouping them into certain categories based on sequences.

Thus, euphemistic nominations of the Russian language have substitutes, which are formed by transferring the names of plants and animals used to designate sexual intercourse and buttocks, for example, animal names (hamster in a mink, chick in a nest, nightingale and parrot), euphemized by plant names (shaggy rose of love, edelweiss). Also, we found direct substitutes associated with the names of female genitalia (for example, Lucy and Masha) and sexual relations (for example, Monica and Magdalene), bescheremukha (sexual intercourse without an emotional component, from the word form cherry), strawberry, chamomile, strawberry (group sexual intercourse when participants in the process sit in a circle which is associated like the petals of a daisy) ^[10]. By using the mechanism of metaphor and metonymy, they allow you to insinuate forbidden objects, replacing their original component with associative connections based on proximity.

Uzbek concepts are expressed as follows: zhinsiy erik (sexual crack), avrat (a distinctive place of a woman from a man), muҳabbat gunchasi (bud of love), ad ok (lower place), andom (does not have a direct translation into Russian, the meaning of the lower place), beldan paste (below the waist), boshka joi (another place), bu er (this place), these euphemistic nominations are used in official and polite speech to adequately name the female breasts and vagina of women who are taboo.

In Russian, linguistic and pragmatic maxims are used to denote a woman's breast, which include the meanings of vislichy and wobble. In the short dictionary of euphemisms of the Uzbek language by A.Zh. Omonturdiev, a small group of euphemisms byyindan kuyi (below the neck), kyks (chest), kykrak (chest), sut bezi (mammary glands), emizik (chest) and kykrak (chest) is defined ^[12].

Among the examples of direct meanings that are discussed in Russian, the names of buttocks can be cited as single concepts, such as a cadet, formed from the slang word "kursat" - meaning "defecate" (referring to the buttocks and anus), as well as a saddle, a seat/seat, a nurse ^[14].

In the short dictionary of euphemisms of the Uzbek language A.J. Omonturdieva yumshok joi (soft spot), borrowed from the Russian language in the context of intercultural communication; dum, dumba (translates as fat, but has a meaning – buttock), ket (ass), orka (ass, lower part from the back), oralik va orka chikaruv (intermediate and anus), yumshok joi (soft spot), shasha er (that place) ^[12].

Conclusion, the presented factors and the study of euphemistic nominations in the system of different structural languages confirm our opinion that an idiosyncratic, national-cultural background is characteristic of euphemization, since the ratio between codified and uncodified elements in almost all cases have national-specific characteristics. For example, the process of euphemization in one culture may be defined "as poorly codified, in another culture it is "uncodified" ^{[7, p. 279]}. Consequently, the fact that differential thematic groups in Western culture may not be subject to the process of euphemization, in the east they will have a process of tabooing this topic. E.V. Troneva notes that "since it is traditionally believed that it is not customary for the British to express strong feelings, but on the contrary, it is socially acceptable to suppress them, manifestations of anger carefully they are euphemized" ^{[16, pp. 50-57]}.

4. Conclusion

Gender-polite concepts that have arisen within the framework of a politically correct ideology contribute to the preservation of the mental space of the communicant, recognizing the rights of women and expressing respect. They prevent insults, but they are not necessarily sincere expressions of sympathy and interest, rather, as the analysis of the study showed, they are formal and etiquette constructions.

As a result of the analysis, it was revealed that the direct meanings of Uzbek, Russian and English euphemisms of the semantic field of gender (female) are combined into similar groups, which allows us to conclude that the same cognitive foundations of nominative spaces in the studied languages. Distinctive features are found, firstly, in the unequal quantitative ratio of the names being replaced within individual groups, and secondly, from the point of view of the content of national and cultural information in euphemistic nominations, the analysis confirms that euphemistic nominations, which are linguistic universals, have acquired unique characteristics in the context of the motivation for their occurrence, as well as in the process of the development of society. They are determined by the key concepts of a particular linguistic culture, mentality and are influenced by historical, economic and cultural factors. In the Uzbek language, it manifests itself, firstly, in family relations, male family members name the female sex with certain word forms, secondly, a category of euphemistic units of speech ethics has been identified when naming the age of the female sex, names at marriage, thirdly, the topic of sexual relations is strongly taboo, what is open It is discussed in the compared discourses, in the latter it has a significant prohibition.

Thus, the linguistic and cultural information presented in euphemistic nominations can be expressed by two levels of expression - explicit and implicit. At the explicit level, knowledge about a particular linguistic culture is accumulated through the semantics of culturally specific nominative areas of the euphemization process. The second level of expression dictates the etymological analysis of the mechanisms of linguistic realization of euphemistic meaning, especially literary tropes (metaphor and metonymy), which contain information about traditions, beliefs, superstitions, life and history of a particular nation. As a result, it should be noted that this study is limited in nature, so this issue requires further research and consideration.