Abstract: The article is dedicated to the analysis of the impact of historical disputes on the relations between the Republic of Korea and Japan in the context of the transformation of the security architecture in Northeast Asia. It examines the influence of memory politics on the military-political interactions between Tokyo and Seoul, as well as the formation of a regional security system amid U.S.-China rivalry. Special attention is given to the impact of unresolved issues related to colonial history on the institutionalization of bilateral cooperation and the sustainability of strategic coordination mechanisms. The functioning of the General Agreement on Military Information Exchange is discussed, along with the evolution of Japanese security policy and its perception in the Republic of Korea in the context of historical memory. The role of the United States as a mediator in Japan-Korea interactions is analyzed, as well as China's use of historical narratives as a tool for foreign policy influence on the regional balance of power in East Asia. The methodological framework of the study comprises historical-political, institutional, and comparative analysis methods, as well as elements of a constructivist approach to the study of memory politics and international security. The scientific novelty of the research lies in the consideration of historical disputes between the Republic of Korea and Japan not only as a bilateral political-historical phenomenon but also as a factor in the transformation of the regional security architecture amid U.S.-China competition. The article shows that memory politics has a direct impact on the institutionalization of security interactions and limits the possibilities of forming sustainable mechanisms for military-political coordination between Tokyo and Seoul. It is established that the General Agreement on Military Information Exchange mainly functions as a tool for pragmatic interaction, maintaining a high dependence on external mediation by the United States and the internal political dynamics of both countries. It concludes that the strengthening of Japanese military activity contributes to the further politicization of historical memory in the Republic of Korea and intensifies the contradictions between the strategic necessity of cooperation and the persistent public distrust of Japan. At the same time, it is shown that China uses historical narratives as a tool to limit the deepening of U.S.-Japan-Korea interactions and to shape a regional balance of power favorable to Beijing. As a result, historical disputes continue to be one of the key factors in the transformation of the security system in Northeast Asia.

Keywords: historical memory, Republic of Korea, Japan, Japan–South Korea relations, regional security architecture, memory politics, GSOMIA, regional security, Northeast Asia, geopolitical competition

Abstract: The article analyzes the influence of historical disputes between South Korea and Japan on the formation and functioning of multilateral coalition interaction formats in Northeast Asia. The subject of the study is the institutional mechanisms of coordination that emerge in the context of limited bilateral cooperation between Seoul and Tokyo. Special attention is given to the transformation of multilateral interaction in the fields of security and economic-institutional formats, including the formats of Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation, the Comprehensive Regional Economic Partnership, and the Indo-Pacific Economic Framework. The research aims to identify how historical contradictions between South Korea and Japan affect the nature and depth of their cooperation within regional organizations and associations, as well as the choice of institutional interaction forms and the redistribution of roles among key participants in the regional coalition architecture. The methodological basis consists of historical-political and institutional approaches, comparative analysis, and a problem-chronological method that allow tracing the evolution of coalition mechanisms and their functional specifics. The scientific novelty of the work lies in interpreting historical disputes not only as a factor limiting bilateral interaction between South Korea and Japan but also as a structuring element defining the institutional logic of multilateral formats involving these countries. The study establishes that in the field of security, the influence of historical contradictions between South Korea and Japan manifests in a predominance of mediated forms of coordination, while in the economic dimension, it is reflected in an expansion of interaction in formats that ensure the depoliticization of sensitive issues. The findings indicate that multilateral mechanisms perform a dual function, providing resilience of cooperation in strategically significant sectors while simultaneously limiting the potential for resolving historical contradictions. It concludes that a compromise model of interaction between Japan and South Korea is forming, which combines multilateral coordination in security and economics, limited institutionalization of bilateral cooperation between Seoul and Tokyo, and selective depoliticization of historically sensitive issues, determining the prospects for further development of cooperation in Northeast Asia.

Keywords: historical disputes, South Korea, Japan, Northeast Asia, multilateral frameworks, regional security, institutional architecture, Indo-Pacific region, APEC, RCEP

Abstract: This study analyzes cooperation and constraints in relations between Vietnam and China since 2013 in the context of China's strategic adjustments and the implementation of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). The subject of the study includes the main directions, mechanisms, forms and results of cooperation, as well as the limitations and challenges in the relations between Vietnam and China, especially in the context of China's implementation of the OBOR initiative and the adjustment of its regional strategy. The aim of the study is to identify the main directions of bilateral cooperation after 2013: political and diplomatic interaction, economic cooperation and trade, investment and infrastructure, cultural and educational exchanges, social contacts, as well as multilateral cooperation. At the same time, constraints and contradictions are analyzed, including regional security issues, the situation in the South China Sea, economic asymmetry in trade and investment, dependence on supply chains, and the risks associated with investment and infrastructure projects. The research's methodological framework is based on the theory of political realism in international relations, which emphasizes the importance of national interests, security issues, and the balance of power in the context of regional strategic competition after 2013. Political, historical-logical, and comparative analyses are used, along with a summary of official documents, statistical data, and bilateral and multilateral agreements. The novelty of this work lies in its comprehensive and up-to-date examination of Vietnam-China relations after 2013, identifying the main directions of cooperation and structural constraints – including security, the situation in the South China Sea, economic asymmetry, and risks related to infrastructure projects. The results provide a basis for formulating a flexible foreign policy strategy for Vietnam, enabling the country to seize opportunities for cooperation, protect national interests, and ensure regional stability. The findings indicate that after 2013, Vietnam-China relations combined cooperation with constraints. The countries maintain political and diplomatic contacts through high-level delegations, regular dialogues, and multilateral mechanisms, while also developing economic and trade cooperation, with China remaining the main trading partner and source of infrastructure investment. Structural constraints persist: security issues, the situation in the South China Sea, trade deficits, dependence on supply chains, economic imbalances, and infrastructure project risks raise concerns about strategic trust and potential pressure on Vietnam’s foreign policy. In this regard, Vietnam must adopt a flexible and cautious approach, rationally utilize opportunities for cooperation, and protect national interests, thereby ensuring relative stability and sustainable regional development.

Keywords: Vietnam and China, cooperation and constraints, China’s regional strategy, political diplomacy, economic cooperation, trade and investment, infrastructure projects, culture and education, people's diplomacy, ASEAN

Abstract: The subject of this study is Cambodia's foreign policy in the context of its support for the Chinese initiative "One Belt, One Road." The author focuses on identifying the set of factors that determined the Cambodian leadership's decision to actively engage in the implementation of this large-scale infrastructure and economic project of the PRC. The article analyzes the historical prerequisites of Cambodian-Chinese relations, the peculiarities of Cambodia's geopolitical position in Southeast Asia, as well as the influence of the transformation of the regional and global balance of power on the foreign policy priorities of the kingdom. Special attention is given to the role of economic development, infrastructure modernization, and energy security as key national interests of Cambodia. The political context within the country is also considered, including the influence of anti-Vietnamese sentiments, intra-party competition, and socio-demographic factors on the formation of foreign policy decisions. Thus, the subject of the research encompasses both external and internal determinants of Cambodia's support for the "One Belt, One Road" initiative. The study employs a neorealist paradigm of international relations combined with a three-level model of foreign policy analysis and a systemic approach. The scientific novelty of the research lies in the comprehensive examination of Cambodia's support for the "One Belt, One Road" initiative through the lens of the interconnection of systemic, national, and individual factors in foreign policy decision-making. Unlike researches that focus predominantly on economic benefits or the dependence of small states on China, the article demonstrates that Cambodia's position represents a rational strategy for a small state aimed at maximizing benefits in the face of competition from major international actors. The author concludes that Cambodia's participation in the OBOR initiative is determined not only by the need for infrastructure investments but also by the desire to strengthen foreign policy autonomy, reduce dependence on certain regional partners, and ensure internal political stability. At the same time, the study reveals structural limitations and potential risks of this course, including social stratification, limited engagement of the local economy in OBOR projects, and complications in relations with Western countries and Vietnam. The conclusion is drawn about the dual nature of the "Belt and Road" initiative for Cambodia, combining significant development opportunities with long-term political and socio-economic challenges.

Keywords: Cambodia, China, BRI, foreign policy, Southeast Asia, neorealism, infrastructure development, balance of power, small state, geoeconomics

Abstract: In recent decades, the global geopolitical landscape has undergone significant shifts, prompting both emerging and established powers to redefine their strategic partnerships. Russia's re-engagement with the African continent, especially the Southern African Development Community (SADC), the main regional organization in Southern Africa, reflects a broader strategy aimed at securing political influence, economic opportunities, and a multipolar world order. The subject of this research study is Russia’s evolving political and economic relations with SADC member states, with the research object being the institutional, diplomatic, and economic dimensions of this partnership. The article explores how Russia positions itself within the region, the nature of bilateral and multilateral cooperation frameworks, and the motivations driving both parties to deepen their collaboration. The research adopts a qualitative methodology grounded in comparative political analysis, supported by document review and discourse analysis of official Russian and SADC communications, policy statements, and strategic agreements. The scientific novelty of the study lies in its comprehensive focus on Russia-SADC relations as a distinct subsystem within Russia’s broader Africa policy. While most existing scholarship tends to generalize Russia’s engagement with the continent, this article highlights the specificity of its Southern African vector. It identifies key phases of bilateral and multilateral cooperation, as well as the political motivations driving Russia’s renewed presence in the region, including energy diplomacy, military cooperation, and soft power initiatives. The findings suggest that Russia is not merely reviving historical ties from the Soviet era but is also recalibrating its approach to match current geopolitical realities. The article concludes that Russia's strategy in the SADC region reflects a pragmatic blend of economic interests and geopolitical signaling, which may have lasting implications for regional security and development.

Keywords: Russia, SADC, Southern Africa, bilateral relations, trade, geopolitics, collaboration, market integration, Diplomacy, Engagement

Abstract: The article is dedicated to the systematic analysis of youth exchange between Shandong Province (PRC) and Russia in terms of its status as an important practice of regional public diplomacy. Such a practice can serve as an example for other provinces and cities in implementing their own exchanges with Russia. The subject of the study is the current state, challenges, and prospects for the development of youth exchanges between Shandong Province in China and Russia. The aim of the research is to identify relevant issues and determine the prospects for cooperation development. The relevance of this study lies in addressing the gap in local youth research in the scientific literature, conducting a comprehensive and systematic analysis of this exchange to resolve the incomplete understanding of the complexities, uniqueness, and problem points of cooperation between the two countries at the regional level. The materials used include official documents, statistical data, and media resources. Methods employed are literature analysis, political text analysis, descriptive statistics, and case studies. The research established that the youth exchange between the two sides has a dualistic, ambivalent nature. On one hand, a multilevel system of exchanges in the fields of education, tourism, sports, and innovation has been formed on the basis of a strong legal platform, achieving significant results. On the other hand, systemic problems hindering the qualitative development of youth exchange have been identified: 1) cognitive and value barriers among youth based on stereotypes; 2) the dominance of formal, “elite” contacts with a lack of informal ones (“official enthusiasm and social coldness”); 3) the “digital barrier” between the social networks of the two countries, hindering contact maintenance; 4) structural deficiencies in key areas of cooperation, particularly in the insufficiently high level of educational cooperation. In conclusion, the article states that for further development, a transition from quantitative growth to qualitative is necessary. Recommendations are provided for deepening the content of exchanges, expanding the circle of participants, and increasing the level of cooperation.

Keywords: youth exchange, Shandong Province, Russia, regional cooperation, humanitarian cooperation, public diplomacy, educational exchange, tourist exchange, sports exchange, innovation exchange

Abstract: The subject of this study is the influence of the Chinese think tanks and the mechanisms of their interaction with government bodies on the effectiveness of the People’s Republic of China’s energy cooperation with the countries of Central Asia during the period 2001–2025. The object of the study comprises the institutional and organizational forms of participation of think tanks in shaping China’s foreign energy policy. The author provides a detailed analysis of the evolution of China’s energy strategy in Central Asia, the institutionalization of expert participation, and the role of think tanks in the development, coordination, and implementation of energy initiatives at both regional and international levels. Particular attention is given to the interconnection between expert institutions, government agencies, and the strategic goals of China’s energy diplomacy, as well as to the impact of these mechanisms on strengthening China’s international image and establishing a sustainable model of energy partnership within the Eurasian space. The methodological basis of the research consists of institutional analysis, a comparative-historical approach, and content analysis of official documents and expert reports, supplemented by the author’s analytical model “structure – mechanism – effectiveness.” The scientific novelty lies in a comprehensive study of think tanks as a key element of China’s institutional system of foreign energy policy. For the first time, the relationship between the structure of analytical institutions and the effectiveness of energy cooperation with Central Asian states is revealed. The study concludes that the high level of integration between expert centers and state agencies ensures the stability and efficiency of foreign policy decisions in the energy sector. The results contribute to institutional analysis in international relations and may be used to improve mechanisms of strategic planning and expert support for China’s foreign policy amid global energy transformation.

Keywords: Energy diplomacy, Think tanks, China, Central Asia, Institutional interaction, Foreign policy strategy, Belt and Road, Expert support, Energy cooperation, State policy

Abstract: The article analyses the current state and the nearest prospects for the development of the South Atlantic Peace and Cooperation Zone (ZOPACAS), which unites the Global South states from the viewpoint of participation of Latin American countries in the initiative. The authors aim to clarify the internal and international aspects of ZOPACAS' activities, describe its members' approach to the new non-traditional threats, and clear up the views of Argentina, Brazil, and Uruguay on security issues in the South Atlantic. The choice of countries is explained by the authors’ intention to trace the evolution of Latin American states’ approaches to security. Argentina, Brazil and Uruguay are recognized internationally for their diplomatic efforts and initiatives in the maintenance of peace and security, not only in Latin America but also worldwide. The common approaches and the unity of views on security issues is the key factor that led these Latin American states to the concept of establishing a new South Atlantic co-operation structure. The foundation of ZOPACAS was the result of the Antarctic Treaty (of 1959), the African Nuclear-Weapon-Free Zone Treaty (of 1961) and the Treaty of Tlatelolco (of 1967), which formed the basis for the idea of a nuclear-weapon-free zone in Africa, the Caribbean, Latin America and Antarctica. In the article, the authors used such methods of historical analysis as the comparative method, the retrospective method, the problem-chronological and systematic approach. The methods of content and event analysis were used in working with documents. In their research, the authors rely on a broad range of sources, including declarations and resolutions adopted at ZOPACAS ministerial meetings and at the UN. The study explores the strategies and concepts of Argentina, Brazil and Uruguay. The authors also refer to foreign and national studies on the subject. The authors conjecture that Latin American countries play a key role in ZOPACAS, setting the agenda of the initiative. At the same time, the authors note that the interests of the three countries in the forum vary considerably: While Brazil participates in the association's activities with the aim of establishing itself as a key player in the region, Uruguay uses ZOPACAS to strengthen regional security, and Argentina attempts to resolve the Malvinas issue. At the same time, the “institutional deficit” of the association prevents member countries from using the initiative’s full potential. Such a situation turns into periodic “oblivion” of the format, which in the long term raises doubts about further existence of ZOPACAS. The article is divided into two chapters and the conclusion. The first chapter examines the activities of ZOPACAS from a historical perspective, focusing on the outcomes of the ministerial meetings and analyzing its results. The second chapter focuses on Latin American states' activities in the development of the initiative.

Keywords: ZOPACAS, Latin America, Brazil, Argentina, Uruguay, UN, Global South, regional security, nuclear-weapon-free zone, The Falkland Islands

Abstract: The Lobito Corridor is a vital transportation route connecting Southern and Central Africa, advancing regional integration and economic development within the Southern African Development Community (SADC). This paper explores its strategic importance for Angola, the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), and Zambia, emphasizing reduced transportation costs, enhanced market access, and economic stimulation across agriculture, mining, and logistics. Modernization projects, such as upgrading the Port of Lobito and restoring the Benguela Railway, form the backbone of this corridor, enabling efficient trade and fostering regional cooperation. The methodology employed includes infrastructure project analysis and qualitative case study analysis, policy analysis, and data triangulation from multiple sources, including government reports and international organizations. These methods provide a comprehensive understanding of the corridor's current status and its potential impact on regional economies. The corridor has revitalized Angola’s Port of Lobito, established a multi-modal hub, and extended railway connections to the DRC. However, infrastructure in Zambia and the DRC still requires significant renovation. By providing direct access to the Atlantic Ocean, the corridor alleviates reliance on distant ports, reduces export delays, and decreases transport costs for key commodities like copper and cobalt. This route holds particular significance for Zambia’s Copperbelt and the DRC's Katanga region, crucial suppliers for global clean energy technologies. Economic benefits include streamlined trade, cost reductions, and increased competitiveness of exports. Social advantages encompass job creation, improved rural accessibility, and enhanced living standards. Regional integration through harmonized trade policies and infrastructure connectivity aligns with SADC goals, driving diplomatic relations and mutual economic growth. The Lobito Corridor also holds geopolitical significance, serving as a counterbalance to China's Belt and Road Initiative. The corridor is poised to redefine Southern Africa's trade dynamics and foster resilient, diversified economies across the region.

Keywords: Lobito Corridor, SADC, Angola, DRC, Zambia, infrastructure, transportation, market integration, Regional trade, Southern Africa

Abstract: The article examines the issues surrounding China's military presence in Arctic waters, conducting an analysis of official Chinese political documents, as well as an assessment of the political, economic, and military activities of this superpower in the Polar region. A comprehensive study of the data makes it possible to identify China’s main strategic line and its impact on addressing Arctic security issues. The methodological foundation of the study is the integrated application of complementary qualitative analysis methods, each corresponding to a specific research task. The relevance of a comprehensive analysis of China’s military presence in the Arctic is determined by several interrelated factors. First, the geopolitical transformation of the region. The events of 2022 led to the suspension of the Arctic Council’s work with the participation of Western states and the effective collapse of multilateral Arctic cooperation mechanisms that had existed since 1996. Second, the unprecedented strengthening of Russian-Chinese military interaction in Arctic waters. Third, the rapid build-up of China’s technological capabilities for operations in Arctic conditions. Fourth, the evolution of China’s official discourse. Fifth, the lack of reliable information about China’s actual intentions. Thus, the military dimension of China’s Arctic strategy represents a critically important yet understudied issue in contemporary geopolitics, requiring comprehensive scientific analysis.

Keywords: China, Arctic, Arctic Council, White Paper, People's Liberation Army of China, Military strategy, Arctic waters, Polar Silk Road, Arctic security, Superpower

Abstract: The subject of the research is political and discursive model of risk assessment developed by Chinese think tanks in the process of aligning the Belt and Road Initiative with the Eurasian Economic Union. The object of the research is strategic interaction between EAEU and China’s BRI, which is gaining particular significance amid the transformation of geopolitical and economic processes in Eurasia. The author examines in detail the role of Chinese analytical centers as active actors in shaping foreign policy discourse, analyzing their methods of interpreting and neutralizing political risks, and revealing how rhetorical and institutional instruments help create a positive perception of China’s international initiatives. Particular attention is given to the institutional differences between EAEU and BRI, geopolitical rivalry in Central Asia, and the role of China’s soft power in reducing strategic uncertainty. The methodological framework of the study includes discourse analysis, comparative-historical method, and content analysis of analytical reports by Chinese research centers. This approach made it possible to identify rhetorical strategies and cognitive schemes shaping the perception of political risks within Eurasian integration. The scientific novelty of the research lies in viewing Chinese think tanks as independent participants in the foreign policy process, performing not only expert and prognostic but also ideological functions in shaping the strategy of EAEU–BRI alignment. The study demonstrates that they interpret political risks not as threats but as manageable elements of strategic dialogue, facilitating a balance of interests between China and Russia. It concludes that the successful development of Eurasian integration depends on institutional synergy and sustained political dialogue between the two sides. The contribution of the research lies in providing a deeper understanding of the mechanisms through which China constructs the perception of political risks, transforming them into a tool for building trust and strengthening the stability of regional cooperation.

Keywords: Eurasian integration, Belt and Road, EAEU, Chinese think tanks, Political risks, Discourse analysis, Geoeconomics, Central Asia, Institutional alignment, Multilateral cooperation

Abstract: The article "US Policy in Southeast Asia in the context of the "turn in the Asia-Pacific region"" analyzes Washington's strategic reorientation towards the Asia-Pacific region, aimed at strengthening its position in the face of China's growing influence. Key aspects of American policy are considered, including the military-strategic presence, economic initiatives (the Indo-Pacific Strategy and participation in the CPTPP), as well as diplomatic cooperation with regional partners, including the ASEAN countries. Special attention is paid to the goals of the United States: curbing Chinese ambitions in the South China Sea and supporting multilateral cooperation. The author explores the evolution of approaches of various administrations (from B. Obama to D. Biden), emphasizing the changes in the implementation of the "U-turn". Challenges are highlighted, including balancing between allied commitments, internal political contradictions in the United States, and the ambiguous reaction of Southeast Asian countries to increased competition between the great powers. The study is based on a comparative analysis of the approaches of the three American administrations (Obama, Trump, Biden) to the implementation of the strategy in the Asia-Pacific region, as well as on the basis of official documents (National Security Strategy, National Defense Strategy), public statements by the presidents and diplomatic initiatives). Institutional analysis of the role and effectiveness of the multilateral structures and alliances created by the United States as tools for deterring China The scientific novelty of the study lies in a systematic and comparative analysis of the evolution of the "pivot to Asia" strategy over the course of three US administrations, demonstrating not a paradigm shift, but a tactical adaptation of a single strategic goal. Despite tactical and stylistic differences, all three administrations (Obama, Trump, Biden) pursued a common strategic goal – to contain China's growing influence and preserve American leadership in the Asia-Pacific region. Obama relied on multilateral economic (TPP) and diplomatic instruments. Trump moved to open confrontation, protectionism, and an emphasis on bilateral power and trade deals. Biden synthesized approaches, returning to the rhetoric of multilateralism and working with allies, but preserving and strengthening the tough anti-China core of Trump's strategy, as well as institutionalizing the QUAD format. The deepening US-China rivalry poses serious challenges for ASEAN, forcing it to maneuver and threatening its unity and central role in the regional architecture.

Keywords: USA, Southeast Asia, Japan, DPRK, Asian-Pacific region, PRC, ASEAN, Trans-Pacific Partnership, East-China Sea, North-East Asia

Abstract: The subject of the study is Sino-Japanese relations in the context of regional security. In order to ensure the depth of research, it is necessary to study the subject from different angles: 1. Geopolitical Rivalry: To study the geopolitical aspirations of China and Japan in Northeast Asia, including their main goals and strategies in the region. 2. Regional security: Assess the role of China and Japan in shaping regional security, taking into account their participation in international organizations and alliances. 3. Territorial disputes: To analyze the impact of territorial conflicts, such as the Senkaku/Diaoyu Islands dispute, on relations between countries and regional security. 4. External factors: To study the impact of external factors, such as U.S. policy, on Sino-Japanese relations in the context of regional security. 5. Historical context: To consider the historical aspects of relations between China and Japan and their impact on modern relations. Scientific novelty of the article: 1. Integrative approach: The article offers an integrative approach to the analysis of Sino-Japanese relations in the context of regional security in Northeast Asia, combining historical, political and economic aspects. This allows for a deeper understanding of the complex dynamics of relations between the two countries and their impact on regional security. 2. Analysis of current trends: The study focuses on current trends in Sino-Japanese relations, including periods of warming and aggravation, which makes it possible to assess the effectiveness of current strategies and predict future scenarios for the development of relations. 3. Influence of external factors: The article examines the influence of external factors, such as US policy, on Sino-Japanese relations, which provides a more complete understanding of regional security dynamics. 4. Strategic aspects: The study highlights the strategic aspects of relations in shaping regional security.

Keywords: Taiwan, China–Japan relations, USA, regional security, China–United States relations, Northeast Asia, territorial disputes, global politics, Asia-Pacific region, China's politics

Abstract: The subject of this research is the historical evolution of energy cooperation between the Russian Federation and the People’s Republic of China in the context of aligning two large-scale integration initiatives — the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) and China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). The object of the analysis is the foreign policy and geoeconomic dimensions of bilateral and multilateral interaction in the energy sphere, covering the period from the early 1990s to the present. The article examines the transformation of energy dialogue from post-Soviet bilateral contracts to institutionalized formats of cooperation within Eurasian integration. Particular attention is paid to strategic infrastructure projects such as “Power of Siberia,” “Yamal LNG,” and the “Amur Gas Processing Plant,” as well as to the involvement of major corporate actors — Gazprom, CNPC, Rosneft, and Sinopec — in shaping transregional energy links. The research also evaluates the role of the Eurasian Economic Commission, the significance of intergovernmental agreements, and policy planning documents that define the parameters of energy partnership between Russia and China. The methodological framework is based on historical-genetic and comparative-historical methods, complemented by source-based and discourse analysis of official statements, international treaties, and expert assessments from both Russian and Chinese sides. The scientific novelty of this study lies in its complex analysis of energy cooperation as a multidimensional instrument of foreign policy and soft power within the evolving Eurasian order. The article reveals mechanisms through which energy cooperation is becoming institutionalized, while also identifying critical constraints — lack of a unified roadmap, legal and regulatory asymmetries, infrastructure bottlenecks, and political contingencies. The findings have practical significance for policymakers in the field of energy diplomacy and contribute to academic research on regional integration and international relations history.

Keywords: energy diplomacy, Russia, China, EAEU, BRI, energy security, geoeconomics, energy cooperation, Eurasian integration, gas projects

Abstract: The relevance of this study is due to the low level of academic interest on the part of both Russian and foreign scientists to the problem of the activities of the Indian Ocean Commission. The object of the study is the activities of the IOC. The subject of study is the role of the Republic of Madagascar in the Indian Ocean Commission. The purpose of the study is to determine the role of the Republic of Madagascar in the activities of the Indian Ocean Commission. The key objects of the study are : the history of the Indian Ocean Commission, key areas of IOC activity, key financial partners of IOC, key ongoing IOC projects, the role of foreign partners in IOC activities, determining the effectiveness of IOC activities, identifying key potential benefits for Madagascar from membership in the IOC. This study is based on the theory of political realism, implying a permanent struggle of key players in the international arena in the face of national states for their own national interests. In the process of research, the author used the following methods: problem-chronological method, analysis, comparative analysis, deduction. The scientific novelty of this study is based on, first, the definition of IOC as a tool for France’s neocolonial influence in the western Indian Ocean region; second, the identification of key potential benefits for Madagascar within the framework of the Indian Ocean Commission. The results of the study can be used to further analyse France’s neo-colonial policy in Africa. The key results of the study are the identification of the transformation of the IOC from an intergovernmental organization to the instrument of French neo-colonial influence in Africa, identification of low IOC effectiveness, Identification of potential benefits for Madagascar within the framework of the Indian Ocean Commission.

Keywords: Madagascar, IOC, Indian ocean, France, Comoros, Mauritius, Seychelles, Neocolonial, Security, Climate

Abstract: The Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) represents a unique platform for Eurasian interaction, focused on synchronizing regional security and economic progress. The central focus of the research is the strategic interaction between China and Russia within the SCO, where each country implements specialized functions based on competitive advantages. Russia, using its historical experience in geopolitical stability, concentrates on counter-terrorism, peacekeeping, and border strengthening. China, leveraging its economic potential, promotes projects in transport infrastructure, digitalization, and energy networks. The role of the SCO's "two-wheel model," which integrates security and economy into a unified management mechanism, is emphasized. Special attention is paid to the transformation of the organization into a tool for reshaping the global order through the lens of the interests of developing countries. The research combines qualitative analysis of SCO documents with a comparative study of the theoretical concepts of Yan Xuetong and A. Dugin. Case study methods and expert interviews are used to verify hypotheses. The study integrates Chinese and Russian theoretical paradigms for the first time to deconstruct the management model of the SCO. It is established that the complementarity of Moscow and Beijing's roles creates an innovative format of "asymmetric synergy," where the combination of power and economic resources minimizes competition and maximizes the organization's functionality. The scientific novelty manifests in the conceptualization of the SCO as a "hybrid institution" that transforms the norms of global governance through a balance of realism (security) and liberalism (development). Practical conclusions emphasize: 1) the effectiveness of the "two-wheel" model for integrating economies at different levels, and 2) the potential of the SCO as a laboratory for a post-Western world order, where national sovereignty and collective goods coexist. It is shown that the institutional flexibility of the SCO allows for the mitigation of contradictions between geopolitics and geo-economics, offering developing countries an algorithm for "soft balancing" against unipolarity.

Keywords: SCO, China, Russia, strategic cooperation, balancing, consensus mechanisms, security, policy, economy, global governance

Abstract: The article analyzes the impact of China's Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) in the Caspian region on energy relations between China and Russia. The subject of the study is the transformation of energy relations between China and Russia under the influence of BRI projects in the Caspian region, including infrastructure initiatives (BTK railway, Turkmenistan-China gas pipeline), their role in creating alternative transit routes that bypass Russia. The geoeconomic expansion of China, its impact on the redistribution of the balance of power in Eurasia, competition for control over energy resources and logistics are analyzed. The contradictions between formal cooperation (EAEU, SCO) and hidden rivalry are studied, as well as the consequences for Russia's energy security: the risks of reducing the transit monopoly, weakening positions in Central Asia. Historical parallels between BRI and the Silk Road are considered, emphasizing the strategic continuity of Chinese policy. The methodology includes a historical and comparative analysis of the evolution of the Silk Road, a systematic study of strategic documents (agreements, development programs) and case studies of key projects (2013–2024), such as the Baku–Tbilisi–Kars railway and the Turkmenistan–China gas pipeline. The novelty of the study lies in the synthesis of historical parallels between ancient trade routes and modern infrastructure projects, as well as in the focus on the role of the Caspian region as a hub of energy competition. The results demonstrate that Chinese investments in Kazakhstan and Azerbaijan are forming alternative transit corridors to Russian ones, intensifying competition for influence in Eurasia. This creates risks for Russia's monopoly on energy transport, despite attempts to synchronize interests through the EAEU and the SCO. The scope of application of the results includes forecasting scenarios of Eurasian integration, developing energy diplomacy and analyzing the balance between cooperation and rivalry in the region. The findings highlight the need for a flexible strategy for Russia to maintain its position in Central Asia, including adapting to China’s growing economic presence and finding niches in new supply chains.

Keywords: New Silk Road, One Belt, One Road, Caspian region, energy security, China, Russia, geopolitical competition, Eurasian integration, transport corridors, Central Asia

Abstract: The subject of the research is Turkey's energy policy in the Black Sea region, with an emphasis on its strategic goals in the field of energy security, reduction of import dependence, and expansion of national energy potential. The object of the research is the bilateral energy relations between Turkey and Russia, including the implementation of major joint projects such as the "Blue Stream" and "TurkStream" gas pipelines, as well as cooperation within the framework of energy diplomacy. The author examines in detail aspects of the topic such as the role of the Black Sea as a strategic energy hub, the significance of Turkish initiatives in the exploration and production of natural gas, including work at the Sakarya field, as well as the integration of these resources into the national system. Special attention is given to the development of renewable energy sources, such as offshore wind power plants, and their importance for sustainable growth. The research methodology is based on a comprehensive analysis of energy projects and bilateral agreements between Turkey and Russia. Comparative analysis, content analysis of documents, as well as the analysis of statistical data and scientific publications are used to assess the impact on energy security and the economy of the region. The main conclusions of the study are as follows: the development of Turkey's energy policy in the Black Sea region is of strategic importance for both ensuring national energy security and strengthening its international positions. Turkey aims to diversify energy sources, reduce dependency on imports, and develop its own potential, including the use of resources from the Black Sea. A particular contribution of the author to the study of the topic is a comprehensive analysis of the energy initiatives being implemented, such as projects for the exploration and production of natural gas on the Black Sea shelf, the integration of these resources into the national energy system, as well as the development of infrastructure for internal distribution. Furthermore, the study highlights the prospects for leveraging renewable energy sources, such as offshore wind farms, opening new horizons for sustainable development and ecological security in the region. These measures contribute to the formation of Turkey as an energy-independent and regionally influential actor.

Keywords: Black Sea, Energy Cooperation, Energy Policy, Energy Security, Project, Sakarya Gas Field, gas pipeline, Turkey, hub, Regional Security

Abstract: In the context of deep transformations of the global political and economic structure, characterized by the strengthening of the East's position and the weakening of the West's influence, Russia is accelerating the implementation of the strategy of "Turning to the East." The Northeast of China and the Russian Far East are geographically neighboring regions with deep historical experience of cooperation and real prerequisites for its development. In this article, the subject of the study is cooperation between China and Russia in the Northeast-Far East region, the object is the policy of "turning to the East". From the point of view of energy security, cross-border corridors, agricultural development, industrial cooperation, the author analyzes in detail the development process and the current state of cooperation, as well as the opportunities and challenges facing it. The purpose of the study is to analyze the influence of geopolitical and economic factors on the interaction of the parties. Studying this cooperation will help us understand the development of relations between the two sides and will contribute to improving the quality and modernization of the Sino-Russian comprehensive strategic partnership in the new era. This article uses historical-genetic, comparative, deductive and other research methods aimed at conducting a comprehensive and in-depth analysis of the research content. The main conclusions of the study are of great practical importance for cooperation in the Northeast-Far East region between China and Russia. At the level of government policy of the two countries, practical recommendations of this study can improve policy guidance in the field of energy transmission, cross-border transportation, cultural exchanges, etc. At the level of local cooperation, the research results can also serve as a guideline for small and medium-sized enterprises of the two countries in the direction of complementary cooperation. The novelty of the research lies in the fact that this article goes beyond the traditional unified view, analyzing the prospects for cooperation in terms of geopolitics, economic complementarity and other areas, providing new ideas for research in this field. At the same time, in the course of the research, the author put forward a model of triple cooperation "resources – production capacity – market" in order to facilitate the transition of bilateral cooperation from simple trade exchanges to deep industrial integration.

Keywords: turn to the East, Russian Far East, Northeast of China, Northeast Asia, geopolitics, Challenges, economic complementarity, integration, industrial cooperation, bilateral cooperation

Abstract: The relevance of the topic is conditioned by the significant influence of the US-Iraqi relations on the strategic stability and political architecture of the Middle East in the XXI century. The author examined the key aspects of interaction between the Republic of Iraq and the United States in the political, economic and defense spheres following the adoption of the Framework Agreement in 2008, as well as the influence of American foreign policy on the development of the Iraqi state while maintaining the American military presence. The author investigated the mechanisms and instruments used by the United States to ensure its long-term influence in Iraq. The 2008 Framework Agreement, which became the basic document for determining the priority areas of cooperation between the U.S. and Iraq, is analyzed. Special attention is paid to U.S. economic interests, political restrictions for Iraq in the sphere of foreign policy contacts, and the preservation of the U.S. military presence in the country. It is noted that cooperation with the United States creates both opportunities for the recovery and modernization of the Iraqi economy and dependence on U.S. political and economic decisions. Event analysis made it possible to study in detail the dynamics of key events that influenced the nature of bilateral interaction, it helped to identify cause-and-effect relationships between events and their consequences for Iraqi-American relations. The use of the functional analysis made it possible to systematize information about the interaction between Washington and Baghdad in strategically important areas: politics, economics, and cultural and humanitarian ties.

Keywords: Iraq, USA, foreign policy, US-Iraqi relations, Framework agreement, Middle East, economic cooperation, US military presence, multi-vector policy, international security

Abstract: The research considers articles by Polish journalists devoted to the external threats of modern Poland as the subject of research. They reflect the opinions of the authors on the most relevant aspects of this issue. Based on the materials of the most famous media outlets Dziennik Zachodni, Gazeta Wyborcza, Polityka, Rzeczpospolita and Wprost, coverage of Poland's foreign policy problems in late 2023 and early 2024 is demonstrated, when an information campaign launched in Western countries intensified, related to the dissemination of false information about Moscow's upcoming invasion of Europe. It is emphasized that the materials of Polish publications are biased, especially publications about Russia. Special attention is paid to the background of the issue – the Three Seas project and Polish-American relations. The characteristics of all used newspapers and magazines are given. As a research method, content analysis is used, which allows analyzing the content of the publications in question in the media. The novelty of the work lies in the fact that for the first time it provides a comprehensive analysis of the materials of the leading Polish media on the topic of the article. The author concludes that in the Polish press the main external threat is considered to be the threat from Russia. In order to eliminate this threat, the Poles propose measures to strengthen Ukraine in order to defeat Russia as soon as possible. Polish media pay great attention to Russia's special operation in Ukraine, which they call the war of Russia with Ukraine, and are afraid of Moscow's further advance to the West. At the same time, journalists often refer to the opinions of Western politicians, military and journalists. Some Polish journalists publish optimistic articles about the possibility of a peaceful settlement of the Russian-Ukrainian conflict and the elimination of the military threat from Russia. However, in general, the Polish press remains negative towards the Kremlin.

Keywords: Poland, Polish foreign policy, external threats, Polish press, Three Seas, Central and Eastern Europe, the Russian-Ukrainian conflict, special operation, EU, NATO

Abstract: The article presents an analysis of the policy of the Arab Republic of Egypt (ARE) in the Eastern Mediterranean region. The author explores disputes over offshore gas fields, which generate conflict between the countries of the region. The article examines Egypt's role in resolving the conflict in the Gaza Strip, as achieving peace and stability in the region is necessary for the national security of the Arab Republic. The article analyzes Egyptian-Israeli relations. The article examines the role of Egypt and Turkey in resolving the Libyan crisis, which are making efforts to resolve the struggle for power in the country. The work traces the historical context of Egyptian-Turkish relations, identifying scenarios for their development. The object of the study is Egypt's foreign policy. The subject of the study is the Eastern Mediterranean trend in Egypt's foreign policy. The study used a structural and functional method to study the phenomenon of ARE's foreign policy. A systematic approach allowed to identify the matrix of foreign policy and the chronological analysis of the subject of the study. The method of comparative analysis was used to identify common and special features in the concepts of Egypt's foreign policy. In recent years, the ARE has become more active in the region and has strengthened its military capabilities in the region. The novelty of the proposed work also consists in an attempt to highlight what Egypt's foreign policy is aimed at, with which countries it has a conflict of interest, and what measures are being taken to resolve certain disputes that arise between Egypt and the Mediterranean states. The research question of the study is formulated as follows: what kind of foreign policy does Egypt pursue in the Eastern Mediterranean and how does this affect the course of events in this region? The purpose of the scientific research is to analyze Egypt's foreign policy in the Eastern Mediterranean and explain the position of the Arab Republic of Egypt in the conflicts of this region. The main hypothesis of the article is that Egypt seeks to play a key role in the Eastern Mediterranean, using its geographical location, military power and economic resources to strengthen its regional influence and protect its national interests. The author concludes that Egypt's policy in the Eastern Mediterranean is of great importance for the region and beyond. It has an impact on the security and development of the region.

Keywords: Egypt, electric power, the Gaza strip, war, Turkey, Israel, Rafah, The Libyan crisis, Eastern Mediterranean, economic partnership

Abstract: The subject of the study is the transformation of the Arab-Muslim direction of Saudi Arabia's foreign policy after the key events of 1979, which significantly influenced the political development of the country and the region as a whole. Special attention is paid to the analysis of the main factors that determined the change in the kingdom's political course, such as the Islamic Revolution in Iran, the seizure of the al-Haram Mosque in Mecca and the outbreak of the Afghan War. The article examines two main vectors of Saudi Arabia's foreign policy development: regional, related to the creation of the GCC in 1981, and religious, aimed at strengthening the country's role in the Muslim world. The mechanisms of implementation of these directions are considered. The article analyzes the impact of the events of the post-Soviet period and the Cold War on the formation of new strategic priorities of Riyadh, as well as its response to the challenges of global terrorism after September 11, 2001. The research methodology is based on a comprehensive analysis of historical events, official documents and expert assessments. The methods of comparative analysis, chronological periodization and a systematic approach to the study of the transformation of Saudi Arabia's foreign policy are used. Special attention is paid to sources, including the work of leading experts in the region. The scientific novelty of the study lies in a comprehensive analysis of the transformation of Saudi Arabia's foreign policy after 1979, with an emphasis on the interrelationship of regional and religious vectors of its development. For the first time, the author examines the impact of the key events of this period — the Islamic Revolution in Iran, the seizure of the al-Haram Mosque and the outbreak of the Afghan War — on the formation of Riyadh's strategic priorities. The study reveals the mechanism of "securitization of religion" as the main tool for strengthening the internal stability and international influence of the kingdom. The conclusions of the work demonstrate how Saudi Arabia, using its economic and religious advantages, has successfully adapted to changing geopolitical realities, turning from a regional player into one of the main centers of power in the Muslim world. The study also highlights the dual role of the religious factor in the kingdom's foreign policy, where support for traditional Islamic values was combined with the risks of spreading extremist ideologies, which became an important lesson for modern diplomacy.

Keywords: Saudi Arabia, foreign policy, Arab East, Muslim world, Islamic factor, religious vector, regional vector, securitization of religion, Islamic Awakening, GCC

Abstract: The subject of research in this article is the French foreign policy towards Africa during the presidency of F. Hollande (2012–2017) and E. Macron (2017-2021). The author examines in detail such aspects of this topic as a comparison of the stated bases of the foreign policy course of the two presidents in relation to Africa, the analysis of practical steps to implement these courses, in particular, the use of "Soft Power" and "Hard Power" instruments. Particular attention is paid to how Hollande's and Macron's policy of non-interference in the internal affairs of African countries correlates with actual actions to maintain French influence in the region. The main conclusions of the conducted research are the differences in the approaches of Hollande and Macron's approaches to the realization of their declared policy of non-interference in the internal affairs of African countries. The author's special contribution to the study of the topic is a detailed analysis of the use of "soft" and "hard" power instruments, showing that Hollande relied more on military presence, while Macron - on the expansion of economic and cultural cooperation.

Keywords: foreign policy, Africa, France, Hollande, Macron, Soft Power, Hard Power, non-interference, economic cooperation, cultural cooperation

Abstract: The subject of the study is the political relations that arose as a result of Russia’s initiation of the «triple format» on the Syrian issue. The purpose of the study is to comprehensively analyze the development of the Astana format in the context of military-political relations with the Syrian Arab Republic in the political aspect. The methodological basis of the study consists of descriptive, comparative, typological and systematic methods. Descriptive and systematic methods made it possible to provide a holistic picture of the political processes related to the combination of factors that provoked military-political conflicts in Syria. The typology made it possible to study the processes occurring in Syria during the chronological period: from the moment of the Syrian color revolution to the present. The use of a systematic approach made it possible to present the Syrian crisis as an integral system of interacting elements. The scientific novelty of the study is determined by the fact that new sources were involved in the work, which relate to the diverse aspects of military-political relations with the Syrian Arab Republic in the context of the Syrian crisis. The practical significance of the work lies in the fact that the materials presented in it can be used for the political and diplomatic resolution of crisis situations that help preserve the integrity and sovereignty of states, preventing armed intervention in their internal processes. Based on these circumstances, it seems that the plans of the Western community, including the United States, provided for the elimination of countries as distinctive states with their own sovereignty, aimed at pursuing a policy of a bipolar world order. It was in this aspect that these countries used such a mechanism of influence as provoking “color revolutions.”

Keywords: Syrian Arab Republic, Russia, Iran, Turkey, Syrian crisis, Astana format, negotiations, military-political conflict, terrorism, colour revolution

Abstract: This study aims to analyze and evaluate the effectiveness of measures to combat terrorist threats in the Republic of Tajikistan. The article examines not only the problem of terrorism in the region, but also assesses its impact on the development and stability of the state and society as a whole. In the context of global trends related to international terrorism, extremism and drug trafficking, special attention is paid to their impact on Central Asia and the post-Soviet space. The region is becoming vulnerable to such threats, and therefore effective cooperation between States and international organizations in combating these problems is important. The current problems are analyzed, including the changing nature of global terrorism and its spread, especially in Afghanistan. The growth of extremist organizations and drug trafficking is also being revealed, which poses serious challenges to Tajikistan's national security. The study analyzed data obtained from various sources, which made it possible to identify significant challenges and threats to which the Central Asian states are exposed. Special attention is paid to global processes and their impact on the security of the region, as well as internal factors determining the socio-political situation in the Republic of Tajikistan. The novelty of this study lies in the importance of collective counteraction to terrorist threats and their impact on the stability and development of the Republic of Tajikistan. Considering the problem not only from the point of view of internal security, but also in the context of global trends, the study reveals the relationship between terrorism and other problems such as extremism and drug trafficking.This study highlights the important role of the Government of the Republic of Tajikistan in ensuring the country's security and countering threats. The article also discusses issues of cooperation with neighboring states and international organizations in the field of combating terrorism, which is also a new and relevant aspect of the study. Special attention is paid to the relevance and importance of these issues for ensuring the stability and development of the states of the Central Asian region. In the context of the changing global situation and the increasing influence of terrorism and extremism, the article emphasizes the need to effectively respond to threats and take appropriate measures to ensure the security of the region as a whole.

Keywords: Central Asia, Republic of Tajikistan, the fight against terrorism, global threats, terrorism, extremism, Tajikistan, Russia, drug trafficking, Regional threats

Abstract: After sanctions in the 2000s were imposed, the cooperation with China that helped Zimbabwe to cope with the crisis at home and on the international arena. The object of research in this paper is the Sino-Zimbabwean relations. The subject of the study is the interaction and cooperation between China and Zimbabwe in politics and economics in the period 2000-2019. The purpose of the study is to assess the main areas of Chinese–Zimbabwean cooperation in 2000-2019. The author examines the evolution of interaction in the political and economic sphere between China and Zimbabwe, identifies the factors that influenced cooperation in these areas. The novelty of this study lies in a comprehensive assessment of the development trend of Chinese-Zimbabwean cooperation in the field of politics and economics in the period 2000-2019. The systematic method allowed us to consider the trend of cooperation in the field of politics and economics between the PRC and the Republic of Zimbabwe on the basis of extensive use of sources. The author concludes that cooperation between China and Zimbabwe is important in the context of the foreign policy of both countries. This multifaceted alliance in the political and economic spheres contributes to the development and strengthening of diplomatic ties, which have an impact on the common prosperity of both countries.

Keywords: China, Zimbabwe, Robert Mugabe, Economic cooperation, Trade, Investments, Sanctions, Political cooperation, Foreign policy, Emmerson Mnangagwa

Abstract: The article is devoted to the analysis of the US foreign policy in the Middle East. The study analyzes the military-political, energy and information aspects of the offensive and defensive models of the Middle East policy of the United States at the present stage. The purpose of the study was to examine the results of the implementation of expansionist and exploitative geopolitical projects of the United States in the Middle East, taking into account the influence of the information factor and the Russian-American confrontation in the region. The methodological basis of the study is a systematic approach. The historical approach, statistical methods, event analysis, case-study method, analysis, comparison, induction and deduction were also applied. The novelty of the work lies in considering the offensive and defensive models of the US political course in the Middle East and the results of expansionist and exploitative geopolitical projects in specific regional situations. Attention is paid to the consequences of Washington's offensive foreign policy on the example of the invasion of Iraq and the occupation of Syria. The article considers the defensive model of US policy in the Persian Gulf with an emphasis on US-Saudi relations against the background of the visit of the US president to the region in July 2022. Examples of Russia's successful creative policy in the Middle East are given. The conclusion is made about the destructive nature and low effectiveness of both offensive and defensive models of the US geopolitical strategy in the Middle East. Against the background of Washington's weakening influence on regional processes, the sovereignty of states is gradually increasing, and it becomes possible for them to pursue an independent political course. The turn of a number of traditional Middle Eastern partners of the United States towards Russia and the system of multipolarity world order proposed by Moscow is becoming more and more noticeable. A change in the balance of power in the Middle East region in the future may lead to a gradual decrease in information influence and a deterioration in Washington's image, with a very likely continuation of conflict interaction between Russia and the United States.

Keywords: foreign policy, geopolitical strategies, Middle East, information confrontation, USA, Russia, Iraq, Syria, Saudi Arabia, multipolarity

Abstract: Energy resources are becoming an increasingly politicized commodity, which at the same time retains special technical and economic characteristics, which complicates the work of the foreign policy leadership. The authors, using a comparative method, conduct a study of the relationship between energy and foreign policy in the EU and the USA through the prism of different cognitive structures used by subjects to assess the landscape of global energy. On this conceptual basis, the authors explore the evolution of the relationship between energy and foreign policy in the EU and the United States: to what extent energy is a useful tool of foreign policy, and, conversely, how deeply the goals of energy policy are embedded in foreign policy. By making such a comparison, the authors identify differences and potential similarities between the EU and the US in this area. Thus, comparing the approaches of the USA and the EU, one can see a tendency towards their convergence. Despite the significant difference in the energy landscape of the EU and the United States, Brussels and Washington agreed that they included a common vision of the global energy architecture in their foreign policy. The use of energy as a political tool, at least in rhetoric, was condemned by both sides. Nevertheless, at the national level, energy issues in the EU are often determined by the foreign policy considerations of a particular country. It is also worth remembering that LNG exports from the United States to Europe are considered to a certain extent as a means of increasing competition for Russian natural gas, as a way to provide US allies with an alternative and help them reduce dependence on Russia, sometimes even as an energy weapon, but in any case as a very effective foreign policy tool.

Keywords: energy independence, foreign policy, EU energy policy, energy security, U.S. energy policy, international relations, international security, analysis of problem areas, foreign policy analysis, energy factor

Abstract: This article analyzes the German leadership in settlement of the three crises faced by the European Union – the eurozone crisis (2009-2015), migration crisis (2015-2020), and COVID-19 crisis (2020-2021) – in order to determine the specificity of the leadership of Germany in the EU. The conceptual approach for the analysis includes the leadership criteria offered by the German researcher Joachim Schild, which allow drawing the line between the hegemonic and non-hegemonic leadership, as well as consider the factor of legitimacy and soft power. The author also discusses the role of factors that hold back the fulfillment of the leadership potential of Germany. The novelty this research consists in application of this approach for determining the specificity of German leadership on the example of settlement of crises and challenges faced by the European Union, including the ongoing crisis caused by COVID-19 pandemic. The use of case study method allows concluding that Germany, indued with, is capable to show its leadership potential only in the conditions of cooperation with France. The author believes that its successful leadership is impeded by the domestic political factors and politicization of the European agenda in the EU member-states. The relevance of drawn conclusions consists in their contribution to further analysis and forecast of the foreign policy actions of Germany aimed at settling the COVID-19 crisis and other challenges faced by the European Union at the current stage of development.

Keywords: Germany, European Union, Eurozone crisis, European Cetral Bank, France, refugee crisis, refugees, COVID-19 pandemic, regional leadership, hegemony

Abstract: This article explores the role of Central Asia in modern conditions, which significantly increases in geopolitical and geoeconomic aspect. Attention is given to the general security challenges of Central Asian countries, as this region requires the coordination of efforts of the leading global actors, as well as Central Asian countries themselves. Security issues associated with vulnerability of Central Asian countries to natural disasters and emergency situations that may occur as a result of territorial disputes, ethnic violence, drug trafficking, and terrorism prevention, fight against extremism underline the need for multilateral cooperation aimed at solution of general problems. The novelty of this research lies in the fact that after the dissolution of the Soviet Union, which changed the world political map, the newly formed Central Asian countries gave acquired statehood on the international arena. Namely during this difficult period, the Central Asian countries were forced to choose their own development path. Russia and China, to certain extent, have confirmed their presence in the region by creating the economic and military integration institutions with participation of Central Asian countries. Therefore, the emphasis is placed on the analysis of interaction between China and Russia in the post-Soviet Central Asia, their role in ensuring regional stability and economic growth. The article also examines the importance of studying the role of the United States and the European Union in Central Asia.

Keywords: Central Asia, world powers, security, geopolitics, energy cooperation, trade and economic cooperation, competitive fight, China, Russia, USA

Abstract: This article reviews the regional peculiarities of political processes associated with the struggle for regional leadership that is a mainstream in the modern post-bipolar international relations. The authors give particular attention to the historical and theoretical principles of studying the concept of leadership in international relations, namely: provide various approaches towards determination of the status of a regional power, criteria for regional leadership, and specificities of interaction between the regional and global powers. Emphasis is placed on examination of the aforementioned phenomena and processes in the context of comprehensive impact of such global trends, as globalization and glocalization, decentralization of the system of international relations, and formation of the multipolar world order. The novelty of this work lies in the comparative analysis of regional peculiarities of the struggle for leadership in the European and Middle Eastern regions. The relevance of selecting Europe and Middle East is defined by their fundamentally different nature of the regional international relations. The authors reveal the common features and regional specificity of the struggle for leadership in these regions. The common features include: the significance of non-state actors (of different types), ethnic and cultural diversity, complexity of delineation of political boundaries. The regional specificities include: different tools, nature and goals of the struggle for leadership, unequal presence of global powers in the regions, etc. The conclusion is drawn on the need for further examination of the matter to improve the international political forecasting.

Keywords: regional leadership, world politics, Middle East, Europe, European Union, international relations, regional safety, conflict potential, post-bipolar system, international cooperation

Abstract: This article analyzes the positions of Brazil and Argentina in Latin America over the period from 2016 to 2020, as well as describes the new alignment of political powers in the region in light of recent presidential elections. Analysis is conducted on consequences of the so-called “rightward turn” for the domestic policy; assessment is given to the succession of Argentina and Brazil in foreign policy considering the shift of political vectors. Special attention is paid to the impact of COVID-19 pandemic upon the leadership potential of Argentina and Brazil in the region. The relevance of this work is first and foremost defined by the shift of political regimes and foreign policy vectors in the countries of Latin America, as well as by challenges and threats faced by the region in recent years. Based on the provided facts and conducted analysis, the authors assess the changes in hierarchy of regional leadership in the region, and conclude the Brazil loses its positions in Latin America, while Argentina was able to shy away from the “rightward” policy and set the trends for the new “leftward turn” in the region.

Keywords: Latin America, Brazil, Argentina, right turn, left turn, regional leadership, COVID-19 coronavirus pandemic, Mauricio Macri, Alberto Fernandez, Jair Bolsonaro

Abstract: This article explores the problems of Ukraine's integration into the European security system. Special attention is given to the questions of cooperation with the European Union, NATO and the OSCE that play an important role in promotion of security in the European continent. Emphasis is made on the analysis of the Ukrainian normative legal framework responsible for inclusion of Ukraine into the core structures of European security. Since 1991 to the present, all presidents of post-Soviet Ukraine from L. Kravchuk to V. Zelensky contributed considerably to the country’s integration into the European security system. With the development of relations with NATO, EU and OSCE, Ukraine sought to cooperate with the Eastern European countries within the framework of the key institutions of European security. Ukraine’s relations with certain Balkan states have experienced intense contradictions, for example dispute over the plan to liquidate Bolhradsky district in Odessa Region that was predominantly populated by ethnic Bulgarians. Since 2004, the territorial dispute between Ukraine and Romania pertaining to delimitation of continental shelf around the Snake Island has not been fully settled. The conflict between the two countries also aggravated due to the policy of reducing the Romanian-language educational establishments in Ukraine. Ukraine’s inclusion into the key structures of the European security is also impeded by Donbass armed conflict, the fact that the government of Ukraine does not recognize the Republic of Crimea's claim to sovereignty, as well as regularization of relations with the Russian Federation. The acquired results allow determining the motives underlying the foreign policy course of Ukraine that is aimed at its accession to the European Union and NATO, as well as the attempts to take its place within the European security system.

Keywords: Ukraine, Russia, states of Eastern Europe, Balkan countries, NATO, European Union, OSCE, European security, foreign policy, military-political cooperation

Abstract: This article is dedicated to an overview of the International Youth Forum “Russia and the Turkic World: The Outlook of Youth from Russia and Kyrgyzstan” through the lens of relevant problems of international cultural and humanitarian cooperation in the space of former Soviet Union. This event, organized by the Saint Petersburg Society of Russian-Turkish Relations in the Area of Science and Culture with the support of the Presidential Grants, can be rightfully considered the first relations international event of such format in history of modern Russian-Kyrgyz relations. The Forum was held for two days (April 26-27, 2019) on the platform of Kyrgyz-Russian Slavic University named after Boris Yeltsin (Bishkek, Kyrgyzstan). In the center of authors’ attention are the key issues, priorities and objectives of the foreign language and cultural policy of the Russian Federation in Central Asia. The indicated problematic deserves careful attention of the global expert-analytical community in the conditions when the region in question has become an intersection of foreign policy and strategic interests of an entire number of states that hold leading positions in the modern system of international relations.

Keywords: Russia, Kyrgyzstan, China, foreign linguistic policy, international cultural and humanitarian cooperation, post-Soviet states, Central Asia, Turkic world, Soft Power, the Russian language

Abstract: This article examines the main factors of the emergence of Indo-Pacific Strategy, the balance of powers between China and the United States in the Indo-Pacific Region, and their investment policy into contiguous countries of the region. Special attention is paid to contradictions between China and the United States in the region, as well as the impact of D. Trump’s Indo-Pacific Strategy upon U. S. relations with China. The article explores the main integration structures of Indo-Pacific Region, goals and tasks set before them. The novelty of this research is defined by fact that in incipient competition between the two countries for the leading positions in Indo-Pacific Region is traced in the advanced by China concept “One Belt, One Road” and U. S. strategy of “Free and Open Indo-Pacific”. The author comes to the conclusion that currently there is no unified integrated interregional authority that is capable of solving the entire range of problems faced by the countries of Indo-Pacific Region. However, the United States gradually lose its leading position in the region, yielding to PRC. China’s domestic reforms, aimed at improvement of interregional financial and economic ties, contribute to creation of a positive image of the country and strengthening of PRC’s position in the Indo-Pacific Region.

Keywords: Indo-Pacific region, P. R. China, US, balance of forces, competition, strategy, economic cooperation, investment policy, military strategic, leading position

Abstract: This scientific article explores the climatic, economic and political aspects of development of the Arctic region. Changes in the climate leading to active melting of the ice, as well as discovery of new seaway routes, presence of vast unexplored world reserves of oil and gas lead to increased commercial, human and state cooperation in the Polar North. With the increased activity and interests towards the region, emerge new security problems. Destabilizing factory can become the increased presence of the NATO bloc countries in the region. The methodology of this research includes general scientific, comparative, historical logical and specific politological methods (situational analysis, method of expert evaluation). This research allows determining the driving forces behind the changes in the Arctic and the problems met by the Arctic states. The author examines the current structure of governance in the Arctic, with accent on the dominating institutions in the region, as well as answer the question of how ready are these institutions to respond to security challenges in the region.

Keywords: security, international security, international relations, Arctic, NATO, UN, Arctic coastal States, northern sea route, the continental shelf of the Arctic, Arctic Council

Abstract: This article explores the issues of existence of unrecognized states from the perspective of international law. The subject of this research is the peculiarities of the legal interaction between the unrecognized states of the post-Soviet space with de jure states. The author structures a system of approaches towards definition of the concept of “unrecognized state”, examines the problem of legality on the international arena, which is subject to globalization and modern technologies, and proposes prospects for unrecognized states using the examples of currently unrecognized states existing in the post-Soviet space. Author’s contribution into the research of this topic consists in examination of the existing collision in the international law between the people’s right to self-determination and the principle of territorial integrity, which serve as the basis for geopolitical debates. The author concludes that despite the complexity of the practice of state recognition, they are actually de facto subjects of international law.

Keywords: geopolitics, international law, unrecognized states, post-soviet area, international conflicts, collisions, state sovereignity, right of people, self-determination, legal status

Abstract: Over the recent few years, the Eurasian territory is undergoing many important (from the geopolitical perspective) and simultaneously worrying events, for Russia and for the world as a whole. The problems of Eurasian countries are compounding, and the most pressing issue becomes their comprehensive resolution by efforts from all states. Russia has great potential for solving some of the current issue, as well as prospects that should be noted. This article attempts to assess the prospects and possible directions for further development. The solution of the problems at hand is based on the positions and conclusions of works of some of the contemporary Russian and foreign authors, researchers and thinkers. Key issues in the Eurasian space and their causes are presented in this work. The author highlights and substantiates common and weighty causes for Eurasian integration in current geopolitical realities, as well as determines the prospects for joint solution of problems for the Eurasian states. It is noted that Russia, India and China (in their cooperation) can become the main “driver” of the Eurasian Union.

Keywords: Eurasian space, The post-Soviet space, Eurasian Union, Eurasian Economic Union, SCO, EEU, geopolitics, Eurasian integration, Eurasism, sustainable development

Abstract: The article is devoted to the opportunities of cooperation between Russia and Association of South East Asian Nations in the field of education under the conditions of innovations and transformations of the educaitonal environment. The authors of the article provide a description of the modern stage of integration processes in education in the ASEN states, analyze the main global trends in education, analyze Russian innovative epxerience in education, outline the main issues that arise in the process of implementing innovative technologies in the Association member-states' system of education, describe promising areas for educational cooperation between Russia and ASEAN and etc. The nature of the research has determined the use of general research methods (analysis, synthesis and systems approach). In addition, the authors have also applied the interdisciplinary approach. The authors analyze changes that have taken place after innovations, especially digital technologies, have been implemented in Russia's and ASEAN states' educations. They also provide examples of the most successful projects and emphasize the need to activate the educational cooperation between the Russian Federation and ASEAN countries including that through the network communication of the leading universities. The authors conclude that the development of the research centers is one of the most promising areas for international cooperation for Russia and ASEAN states. They underline that successful network communication would extend the scope of collective researches on topical practical and fundamental issues as well as the scope of application of innovative methods in teaching Master Degree and Doctor Degree students.   

Keywords: International humanitarian interaction, international cooperation, Russia - ASEAN, integration processes, regional organizations, innovations in education, Southeast Asia, online learning, education in ASEAN, digitalization of education

Abstract: The article is devoted to the activity of the Yemen Republic's international and regional organizations. The author of the article analyze peucliarities of the union of two Yemen states, Yemen Arab Republic and People's Democratic Republic of Yemen as well as their influence on the foreign policy and diplomacy of the Yemen Republic in general. The researcher also touches upon peculiarities of creation of the Cooperation Council for the Arab States, participation of the Yemen Republic in the League of Arab States and Organization of Islamic Cooperation, and attempts to join the Gulf Cooperation Council. The researcher has applied general research methods such as analysis, observation, comparison, and methods of historical research such as historical description and historical comparison. The novelty of the research is caused by the fact that both Russian and foreign academic literature does not pay enough attention to the foreign policy of the Yemen Republic. Noteworthy that the study of the Middle East's countries such as Yemen, Syria, Iraq, Livia, Lebanon, etc. is difficult due to their chronic internal instability which includes but not limited to the influence of external factors at the regional and global levels. The main conclusion of the research is that despite the rich and long history, Yemen has not taken a decent place on the world arena yet, thus the country has been unable to make a name among influential international organizations. Its activity is limited to regional integrations only. 

Keywords: multilateral diplomacy, international organizations, regional organizations, Yemen Arab Republic, People’s Democratic Republic, League of Arab States, GCC, Organization of Islamic Cooperation, National Dialogue Conference, United Nations

Abstract: The article is devoted to the role of the Islamic factor in international relations between Algeria and Morocco in the post-colonial period. The author of  the article analyzes Morocco's and Algeria's models of managing the internal religious sphere, provides a review of the main religious organisations in these two countries and gives their brief descriptions. The author also studies different tools and initiatives used by these states to implement their external religious policy. He also describes how Algeria and Morocco use these resouces in their long-term confrontation for regional hegemony. In his research the author has applied the comparison approach and historical research methods that allow to analyze the experience of these two countries in their religious diplomacy. In conclusion the author states that Morocco leads a more successful religious diplomacy. However, in recent years the government of Algeria has been considering the religious factor in terms of their external policy and its role in achieving national interests. 

Keywords: Algeria, Marocco, religious diplomacy, international relations, Islam, regional hegemony, religious sphere, foreign policy, Maghreb, West Africa

Abstract: Cooperation between the Republic of Korea and the Russian Federation traces back to the early 1990s when the countries went into the diplomatic relationship. The countries continue to interact in various spheres: trade and economic, political and cultural. One of the promising areas of their cooperation is the conjunctive use of the Northern Sea Route. The object of this research is the relations between the Republic of Korea and the Russian Federation. The subject of the research is the cooperation between the two countries in terms of the use of the Northern Sea Route. In his research Kim used the main methods and principles of history as a science, in particular, historicism, consistency and accuracy. These methods allow to analyze historical processes from the point of view of their development and interrelation as well as to carry out multi-aspect analysis of facts and events. Based on the research results, the author makes a conclusion that the countries became interested in cooperation at the end of the last century already when they discussed the project of gas line construction, and up to now the Republic of Korea and the Russian Federation have been actively interacting regarding the conjunctive use of the Northern Sea Route. Both sides are interested in developing their cooperation further. The novelty of the research is caused by the fact that for the first time in the academic literature the author carries out a complex analysis of the interaction between the Republic of Korea and the Russian Federation regarding the development of the Northern Sea Route.   

Keywords: The Republic of Korea, Russian Federation, Northern Sea Route, cooperation, Arctic, shipbuilding, maritime traffic, Arctic Council, Europe, technologies

Abstract: In his article Makarov discusses the grounds for international cooperation in the sphere of conjunctive use of transboundary waters and their practical implementation based on the example of the Lake Baikal basin. The author describes the nature of mutual relations of riparian countries and specific problems of the conjunctive water use. He also systematizes the main principles and patterns of mutually beneficial use of transboundary waters and gives recommendations regarding the development of mutually beneficial cooperation between Russia and Mongolia for the purpose of protecting transboundary waters and economic development in the Lake Baikal basin. Using the methods and provisions of the theories of games, economics and international relations, the author describes the conceptual grounds and offers a set of measures aimed at development of the economic basis for mutually beneficial use of transboundary waters in the Lake Baikal basin. These measures ensure the balance between ecological and economic interests of Russia and Mongolia as part of the generally recognized sytem of international cooperation principles and rules. For the first time in the academic literature the author makes a statement about assymetrical access to water resources as a fundamental problem in conjunctive use of transboundary waters. The researcher also describes the main provisions of using the approach of benefit sharing as the key solution of water use conflicts. Makarov also gives a forecast of transboundary effects from the side of Mongolia and discovers that Mongolia's plans to develop hydraulic power industry create unfavorable conditions for Russia's environment. The author also describes the main areas to be developed in order to reinfoce the mutually beneficial cooperation between Russia and Mongolia aimed at protection of transboundary waters in the Lake Baikal basin. Taking into account that the best solution of the environmental issue for Russia would be an alternative source of energy used in a neighboring country, it is important for Russia to participate in the projects of thermal power development. A number of conclusions made in this research have been already declared in 2016 as part of intergovernmental counselling on the issues of conjunctive water use and trade and economic cooperation.   

Keywords: the international cooperation, transboundary waters, the lake Baikal protection, russian-mongolian relations, benefit-sharing, asymmetry access, win-win solution, hydroenergy, transboundary impacts, natural heritage

Abstract: The present article focuses on the Azerbaijan-Iran relations at the current stage. The author discusses the process of development of the relations between the two countries, and analyzes the reasons for further development. The relevance of the topic is conditioned upon the fact that today the US economic sanctions against Iran force it to strengthen the cooperation with neighboring countries, including Azerbaijan. On the other hand, the signing of the Convention on the legal status of the Caspian Sea provides an opportunity for the development of joint work connected with the Caspian sea. The author used the historical-comparative method, which allowed the author to analyze the history of Azerbaijan-Iran bilateral relations. Despite the tense and contradictory processes in the region, the bilateral relations between Azerbaijan and Iran are developing vigorously. Although the approaches of the countries do not coincide on some issues, it does not harm the overall course aimed at strengthening the relations. Analyzing the main directions of the bilateral relations between Azerbaijan and Iran, it can be concluded that despite occasional deterioration of the State-to-State relations due to various reasons, as a result from the efforts of the political elite of the two countries, the relations between Baku and Tehran have embarked on the path of development.

Keywords: The Republic of Azerbaijan, Islamic Republic of Iran, bilateral relations, cooperation, Caspian Sea, trade relations, transport, diplomacy, medical tourism, South Caucasus

Abstract: The present article explores the current expansion of the influence of the USA as a global power in the Central Asian region, as well as the way American strategies affect Russia and China. After the collapse of the USSR, following the weakening of the geopolitical influence of Russia as a successor of the USSR and following the massive wave of the US global strategic offensive in the sphere of influence which previously belonged to the Soviet Union, the Americans began to promote their policy in Central Asia. After September 11, 2001 in consequence of the antiterrorist operation in Afghanistan, the USA managed to achieve growth of its geopolitical influence in Central Asia, but their intentions in the region raised concerns of Russia and China, as well as Central Asian governments. Russia and China are interested in the joint halting of proliferation of the US influence in the Central Asian region. The article is based on the analysis of official documents and official statements of the key States under consideration: the USA, Russia, China, Central Asia. The scientific novelty of the article lies in the fact that the US strategy in Central Asia is seen as a threat not only to the regional interests of Russia but also to the interests of China in the region. Moreover, the US strategy is a threat that can be considered common to Russia and China and can unite them in their regional security cooperation. The rivalry between Russia and China in Central Asia could become a low propriety and turn into cooperation in the face of a common threat - a non-regional power wishing to spread its geopolitical influence. 

Keywords: Russian-Chinese cooperation, Russian foreign policy, Chinese foreign policy, Central Asia, regional security, US strategic influence, US regional strategy, extremist threat, Afghanistan, great powers

Abstract: The subject of the study is the internal ideological content of modern Chinese foreign policy, its correlation with the dominant political trends in Argentina and Brazil. A detailed analysis of the ideological concepts and doctrines that are the basis of modern Chinese political life may be considered a particularly important aspect of the study. The author analyzes the differences in the political rhetoric of China as regarded to Argentina and Brazil. Also, there is an analysis of the expected results of political activity of China in Argentina and Brazil at the present stage. The basis for the study is the method of system analysis, methods of synthesis and analysis, comparative-historical analysis method, method of intertextual analysis. The Author concludes that the ideological component of China's foreign policy constitutes a key tool in the development of political activity in Brazil and Argentina. It is also concluded that the success of China's foreign policy in the region depends on the level of dialogue between Argentina and Brazil. The main conclusion is that by 2018 China had possessed an ideological platform in the strategy of political interaction with Argentina and Brazil, which allows it to maintain a high level of inter-state dialogue, regardless of the political course of the governments of these countries.

Keywords: PRC, Argentina, Brazil, foreign policy, ideology, analysis, peronismo, South America, tools, confucianism

Abstract: The article analyzes the main factors influencing the formation of Iran's foreign policy in the Middle East in the context of solving the problem of settlement of the Iran’s nuclear program and application of the sanctions regime. A special attention is given to consideration of the challenges to Iran’s security and regional stability after the sanctions regime lifting and settlement of the Syrian conflict. The main components of the foreign policy strategy and national priorities of the IRI with regard to the Middle East region as well as to the countries-allies are considered. It is methodologically reasonable to consider these issues on the basis of the defensive realism position, which allows the author to explore the features of Iran’s foreign policy. The author used scientific analytic methods (logical, contrastive-comparative, inductive-deductive, etc). A system approach made it possible to give an integral analysis of the multi-level system of Iran's involvement in international relations in the Middle East. It is emphasized that after the talks on the Iran nuclear deal between Iran and the P5+1, and the conclusion of the JCPOA (2015) Iran hasn’t changed its regional strategy. The author concludes that despite the short-term effects that have taken place in the regional dimension after the conclusion of the JCPOA, this agreement is still not a decisive factor determining the direction of regional changes. In the long term the situation in the Middle East and the role of Iran in it will be determined by internal conditions and regional trends, as well as the factor of international involvement in regional processes.

Keywords: Iran, foreign policy, Middle East, Syrian crises, JCPOA, sanctions, strategy, security, regional threats, international relations

Abstract: The object of the study is a political crisis in the Togolese Republic which began in the autumn of 2017 and continues until now. The author considers such aspects of the problem as a confrontation between the authorities personified by President Faure Gnassingbé and the opposition led by Jean-Pierre Fabre; the background of the conflict situation; the role of France in the murder of Silvanus Olimpio, the first President of the country, and the establishment of a half-century dictatorship of the Gnassingbe clan. Special attention is paid to the tactics of the President of the Fifth Republic, Emmanuel Macron, and the President of Ghana, Nana Akufo-Addo in the settlement of the Togolese crisis. In the course of the study, the author exercised the principle of historicism and applied the method of historical reconstruction to clarify the multifactorial determination of political instability in Togo. This method allowed the author to conclude that the crisis situation is based on the desire of the Elysee Palace to preserve the political, economic and military-strategic preferences of France in the Togolese Republic. France's concern is to play a political gambit in this country which aims at gaining the affection of the leaders of opposition at the cost of removal of its former favorite F.Gnassingbe  from power during the presidential elections of 2020. The scientific novelty of the study is conditioned by the urgency of the events occurring in Togo: the political crisis in this country has not yet become a matter for consideration of Russian and foreign analysts. 

Keywords: France, Togo, Guinea, political crisis, power, opposition, For Gnassingbe, Jean-Pierre Fabre, Emmanuelle Macron, Nano Akufo-Addo

Abstract: The authors of the article consider the development of relations between the People's Republic of China and the Kingdom of Sweden from the date of their establishment to the present; identify the peculiarities and problems of interaction as well as new niches for bilateral dialogue development and predict trends in the development of cooperation between the States under consideration. The analysis of relations between China and Sweden is relevant due to the fact that from year to year the interaction between them is becoming more intense in various areas of bilateral dialogue. The basis of the research methodology is the historical and genetic method, political expertise, analysis of official documents, as well as analysis of statistical data. The scientific novelty of the work lies in the attempt to define the role of Sweden in providing stable and sustainable development of strategic partnership between the PRC and the EU. The authors come to the conclusion that the parties are interested in strengthening interstate cooperation, which will serve as an incentive of interaction enhancement. 

Keywords: China and Sweden, Sino-Swedish partnership, political aspect of relationships, economic relations, humanitarian and social cooperation, establishment of diplomatic relations, Arctic, Hong Kong, Chinese investors, military technology

Abstract: The article examines the regional processes in the Western Hemisphere in the context of their development and competition throughout their history. The author pays special attention to their current state. The movements of "pan-Americanism" and "Latin Americanism" as well as their embodiment in the regional configuration of the Western Hemisphere in General and Latin America in particularare the central issuesof the study. The article outlines the factors of their development and interrelations in an attempt to identify their underlying patterns; to determine more precisely the nature of the current situation in this macro-region; to categorize the ongoing processes in the Western Hemisphere more clearly; and to facilitate their theoretical and practical study through optimization of the set of concepts. In particular, the author propose the concept of dynamic balance as definition of the form of interrelations between the pan-American and Latin American vectors of development of the Hemisphere's regional configuration which is different from the concepts of "cyclicity" and other forms of explanation of the occurring processes proposed in the past. The article concludes that the position of dynamic balance in the Western Hemisphere is objectively inevitable in the current conditions, it describes its key determinants and patterns, mechanisms of its stability and the possibilities of change.

Keywords: Latin America, The Western Hemisphere, integration, regionalism, regional subsystems, pan-Americanism, Latin Americanism, dynamic balance, patterns, vector of development

Abstract: The article explores Russian-Chinese cooperation on regional and international security issues within the SCO framework. The new global challenges that emerged from the profound transformations of the international system after the end of the Cold War demanded that China and Russia develop new approaches to regional security, which led to the establishment of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization that currently is an effective mechanism for coordination of positions on a wide range of international issues. And China-Russia relations of strategic cooperation remain the main driving force of the said organization. The methodological basis of this article is a system-structural method. The system method makes it possibleto study the structure of the system as a set of interrelated elements; the structural method makes it possible to identify stable connections inside the system. The merging of these two methods within the framework of exploration of the PRC and RF cooperation in the SCO allowed the author to assess the role and place they occupy within the system (organization); to study their goals and policies in the international arena; to identify a common ground that enabled them to cooperate productively in the SCO; and also to analyze interaction of the SCO with other actors of the international system. The scientific novelty of the study is determined by a comprehensive analysis of the main interests and problems of Russian-Chinese cooperation within the SCO framework. The author has studied a wide range of sources in Chinese and Russian, on their basis the author makes conclusions on trends in the development of the relations between the PRC and the RF in the context of changes in the international system. 

Keywords: Shanghai Cooperation Organization, Central Asia, multipolar world, regional security, hegemony, international system transformation, new international order, forces of Evil, international relations democratization, multilateral diplomacy

Abstract: The article explores the process of formation and evolution of the nuclear non-proliferation regime in Latin America and the Caribbean region. The key subject is the Tlatelolco Treaty on the establishment of a nuclear-weapon-free zone and the evolution of positions of the countries of the region towards it. The author analyses the challenges faced by the regime during the formation period, studies the positions of countries unwilling to sign or ratify the treaty, and considers new challenges and threats to the nuclear non-proliferation regime that the region faces today. The methodology of the study is based on the historical approach and the theory of regimes. The Cambridge textbook on Theories of International Regimes which accumulates all most significant studies in this field is used as a methodological tool. The scientific novelty of the study lies in combination of history of the nuclear non-proliferation regime formation in Latin America and the Caribbean region and the contemporary challenges analysis. The following conclusions were made as a result of the study - Today the regime has no opposition at the regional level and the threats that were particularly important at the time of the regime formation no longer stand on the agenda.  - The region is one of the leaders of the movement against the proliferation of military nuclear technologies. - Latin America and the Caribbean region face new challenges typical of the international non-proliferation regime, the most critical of which are cybercrime and natural disasters.

Keywords: NPT, Cuba, Chile, ABACC, Brazil, Argentina , Latin America , Nuclear non-proliferation regime , Nuclear-weapon-free zone , Tlatelolco treaty

Abstract: The article explores the inter-State relations between the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan and the Central Asian countries on the matter of sharing waters of the Amu Darya transboundary river  It considers the dynamics of the development of water sharing relations between Afghanistan and Central Asia starting from the end of the 19th century to the present.  The article analyses scenarios of the situation development in case of inclusion of Afghanistan into the processes of water management of transboundary resources as well as a potential for the conflict of interests in shared use of the Amudarya waters between the downstream States and its impact on the internal political situation in the Central Asian region.  Historical-political method is applied to consider the dynamics of water relations development; event-analysis is used to study the situation with regard to inter-State relations, and analogy method - to predict possible scenarios of the development of situation in the Central Asian region. The author comes to the conclusion that the involvement of Afghanistan in resolving water problems of the Central Asian region can lead to aggravation of political relations between Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan, the downstream States on the matter of sharing waters of the Amu Darya transboundary river.  In view of the USA efforts to dominate in addressing water sharing issues between Afghanistan and the Central Asian republics, it is predicted that the situation in the region will be destabilized.  The article deems it appropriate to involve Russia into the negotiation processes on water issues of Afghanistan - Central Asia in order to prevent implementation of the American scenario of the so-called "Central Asian Spring". 

Keywords: "Greater Central Asia", US strategy, Afghanistan, Central Asia, hydropower industry, international agreements, national interests, transboundary water resources, political stability, inter-State relations

Abstract: The article explores the main aspects of relationship between Syria and the key countries of the Persian Gulf. The author analyzes the role of the Persian Gulf countries in the Syrian crisis, as well as the reasons for participation of these countries in the civil war in the territory of the Syrian Arab Republic. Along with the description of current development of the military conflict in the area, the article presents the background and elicits interests of the Persian Gulf countries in the current situation evolving around Syria. The article presents an analysis of geopolitical interests of the Persian Gulf countries in the context of the Syrian crisis. In his work the author relied on the principles of historicism, scientific objectivity, reliability and comparative approach. The conducted research allowed us to identify and analyse the geopolitical factors affecting the nature of relations between Syria and the Persian Gulf countries. The author studied the history of Syria's cooperation with the Persian Gulf countries during the transformation of internal and foreign policies of the Middle East. The conclusions made by the author have not been previously published in Russian historiography.

Keywords: Oman, War in Syria, Saudi Arabia, Iran, Arab Spring, Syrian crisis, Kuwait crisis , Persian Gulf countries, Iraq, Syria

Abstract: The research subject is the relations between the Azerbaijan Republic and the Islamic Republic of Iran in terms of the conflict between Azerbaijan and Armenia over the territory of Nagorno-Karabakh. The authors analyze the position of Iran prior to the escalation of the situation and during the first conflict on the territory of Azerbaijan SSR. The authors focus on the relations between Iran and independent Azerbaijan in 1991 – 1994 and cessation of hostilities in Nagorno-Karabakh. The paper analyzes the relations between Azerbaijan and Iran in the 21st century. The authors use the methods of historical scientific research, particularly, the principle of historicism, which implies the study of interrelations of two states since the moment of its formation, and the analysis of the Iranian leadership’s position on this issue. The authors also use the chronological method to study sources in chronological order; the method of comparative analysis, and the principle of objectivity, which helps detect the key tendencies of development of Iran’s relations with both aggrieved parties. The set of these methods helps come to the following conclusions: Azerbaijan and Iran, the two countries with access to the Caspian Sea, have been approaching since the collapse of the USSR. There have been certain prerequisites for the creation of a strong geopolitical alliance between secular Baku and Shiite Tehran. But Iran’s position on the Karabakh issue has been quite ambiguous. At the present time, Iran is more pro-Armenian. It considers Armenia as a strategically important partner, thus aggravating tense relations with Azerbaijan. However, the relations between Azerbaijan and Iran depend on the paradigm of regional international problems. 

Keywords: The Republic of Azerbaijan, the Islamic Republic of Iran, The Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, The Republic of Armenia, International relations, aggravation of international conflict, the Soviet period, The post-Soviet period, Political settlement, Military operations

Abstract: The author considers the role and the place of the countries of the South Caucasus in foreign policy strategies of the EU, the USA and NATO in the security sphere. The author studies the peculiarities of formation and development of foreign policies of these international actors towards the states of the South Caucasus, proves its special importance for security provision in the South Caucasus region. The study defines foreign policy interests of the EU, the USA and NATO in security provision in the South Caucasus. The author analyzes their foreign policy and special programs in the security sphere in relation to Azerbaijan, Armenia and Georgia. The author proves that the necessary prerequisite for security provision in the South Caucasus region is the coordination of strategies of the EU, the USA and NATO with the positions of the Russian Federation, Turkey, Iran and other interested regional actors. The research is based on the analysis of foreign policy and security strategies of the USA, the EU and NATO in relation to the South Caucasus. The author defines the specificity of American and European influence on the formation of security system in the region. The author analyzes international cooperation and studies the works of K. Gadzhiev, R. Giragosian, V. Guseinov, V, Kulik, S. Markedonov about geopolitical and security problems in the South Caucasus. The scientific novelty of the study consists in defining the place of the South Caucasus in foreign policy strategies of the countries of the region and global geopolitical actors. The author studies their conceptual approaches to the formation of regional security system. The paper actualizes the problems of studying foreign policy and security strategies of the European Union, the USA and NATO towards the South Caucasus in the context of the events of August 2008 in Georgia and Russia’s recognition of independence of South Ossetia and Abkhazia. 

Keywords: Azerbaijan, Armenia, Georgia, South Caucasus, EU, USA, NATO, foreign policy, regional security, Balance of powers

Abstract: The Organization of American States has for a long time been the primary mechanism of promoting cooperation in the Inter-American format. Being formed during the Cold War, this organization, which had originally aimed at establishing productive and effective relations between the countries of the region, was to a certain degree altered by the spirit of that time. With the end of the bipolar standoff between the major super-powers, the OAS, being primarily a mechanism for promoting the US political interests, was no longer necessary in its form at the time, which caused the organization to undergo certain profound changes. Along with the attempts of the OAS to adapt to the changes in the hemispheric politics, smaller Latin American organizations appeared trying to adopt some of its authorities. This process of regionalization is especially true in relation to the maintenance of hemispheric security. The article is trying to critically assess the possibilities of smaller sub-regional structures to effectively substitute the mechanisms of the future place of the OAS in the structure of the hemispheric security, which becomes even more important in the context of the contemporary U.S. administration, famous for its critical position towards the potential of Latin American political direction.

Keywords: Inter-American cooperation, regional security threats, United States of America, Organization of American States, hemispheric security, Non-traditional security threats, Latin America, OAS, political forum, subregion

Abstract: The article analyzes energy projects in electric power and gas industry involving the countries of Central Asia. Particularly, the authors study the reasons, which determine the interest in interregional projects both of the countries of Central Asia and the customers, such as China, India, Pakistan and Afghanistan. The authors analyze the projects’ benefits for the participating countries, and the obstacles appearing during their realization. The research methodology includes such approaches as analysis and synthesis, comparison, the system approach and the historical method. The authors conclude that these projects improve regional energy security in general and energy security of participating countries in particular. Competition between the projects is determined by geopolitical ambitions of China and the USA. The key obstacles of realization of the projects include the lack of financing, technical difficulties and instability in Afghanistan and Pakistan. Russian companies can participate in energy projects of the countries of Central Asia as investors, suppliers of equipment or technologies. Russia can also promote the improvement of regional security. 

Keywords: energy production , regional security , energy routs, CASA-1000, TAPI, TUTAP, TAP, South Asia , Central Asia, regional cooperation

Abstract: The research subject is the foreign policy of the United States in Central Asia in the early 21st century. The author considers such aspects as the factors of activation of America’s policy in Central Asian direction, the role of Central Asia in America’s foreign policy in the early 21st century, and the U.S. diplomacy in Central Asia. Special attention is given to the U.S. foreign policy and its priorities in Central Asia in the second decade of the 21st century. The author applies the methods of historiography, source study, applied political science, system analysis, political analysis and geopolitical expertise. The author specifies the problems and prospects of America’s foreign policy in Central Asia in the early 21st century. The author states that the foreign policy of the U.S. in Central Asia will unavoidably change, and this transformation should be based on the refusal to solve regional problems unilaterally, and on the search for the ways of constructive cooperation with Russia and China. 

Keywords: United States foreign policy, Central Asia, international relations, regional issues, dynamics of foreign policy, foreign policy priorities of the U.S., Central Asian countries, United States foreign policy , Central Asian geopolitics, Central Asian Cooperation

Abstract: The research subject is the Shanghai Cooperation Organization; the research object is the geopolitical and economic aspects of its activities at the modern stage. The economic cooperation further development and the improvement of investment climate in the SCO member-states seem to be the priority goals of the organization’s work. In the future, providing the stable development rates and the inclusion of new members (India, Iran and Pakistan), the SCO will undoubtedly push on to the next level of geopolitical and economic influence in the multipolar world. The author applies general scientific methods of analysis, synthesis and the dialectical approach. The concepts and methods of the international relations theory, history and political science, involving the system analysis, the comparative analysis and the comparative-historical method, are significant for the research. The author arrives at the following conclusions: At the present stage, the geopolitical and economic vectors develop and the new promising economic cooperation projects appear within the SCO. The author supposes that the Chinese development concept is significant for crisis overcoming and Eurasian economic growth strengthening, and it can promote further economic cooperation between the SCO member-states and European countries. In the author’s opinion, the Chinese concept might be effectively realized through the existing SCO structures. 

Keywords: Eurasian integration, Economic belt, transocean partnership, Central Asia, multipolar world, regional economic cooperation, world economics, the Silk Road, Shanghai Cooperation Organization, geopolitics

Abstract: The research object is the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU). The research subject covers integration mechanisms of interaction between the EAEU member-states, including political, financial, technological, and others. The author studies the modern trends of decrease in trading volumes in the EAEU in particular groups of goods, caused by the sanctions. Particular attention is paid to the consideration of the current instruments of foreign trade activation within the EAEU – the creation of Eurasian technological platforms and special economic zones for the development of innovative sectors of industry. The research methodology incudes the methods of system and statistical analysis, and the method of economic planning and prognostication. The author reveals and substantiates the key role of Russia within the EAEU, and the necessity to search for the new ways of economic strengthening of this integrational association. To strengthen the EAEU’s role in global trade, it is necessary to develop and strengthen cooperation ties between its member-states and increase the mutual trade volume. In future, it will help enter the external markets with joint, more competitive offers, and shift from the resource-based to the commodity structure of export. 

Keywords: gross value added, commodity structure, cooperation ties, mutual trade, special economic zones, sanctions, foreign trade, common economic space, customs union, EAEU

Abstract: Using the method of historical reconstruction, the author explains the causes and the nature of the latent civil war in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (Zaire) - one of the longest and the bloodiest conflicts on the continent for the entire post-colonial period. The comprehensive analysis of the little-known historical sources (memoirs of participants of the events, investigative journalism, evidence of well-known politicians and diplomats) allows finding out the motives and the goals of all parties to the conflict in the domestic and international opposition. Particular attention is drawn to the role of France, Belgium and the United States in the unleashing of a civil war in the Congo (Zaire), as well as to the specific manifestations of the "Françafrique" geopolitical doctrine in this confrontation. The author shows the close connection between the events in the Republic of the Congo and the genocide of the Tutsis sociolinguistic groups in Rwanda. The author concludes that the Fifth Republic has for long supported the regime of the Congolese dictator Mobutu, providing it with political cover, ensuring financial assistance and, if necessary, protecting the odious policies in order to maintain economic and political preferences of Paris in this region rich in uranium, copper, coltan. The author believes that the Congolese war was a clear indication of the struggle for the redistribution of the spheres of influence in Africa between the old and the new actors of international relations.

Keywords: Mobutu, Françafrique, foreign legion, mercenaries, genocide, Rwanda, Belgium, USA, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, France

Abstract: The research subject is the normative and legal contents of the provisions of the 2007 Virgin Islands Constitution in relation to the regulation of the status of public authorities and officials. The author studies the procedure of formation, the composition and competence of the public authorities of the Virgin Islands. The author also focuses on the legal nature of political and territorial relations of Britain with its overseas territories. The article studies the specificity of political and territorial relations materialization with regard to the constitutional status of the Virgin Islands. The author analyzes the problem issues of normative and legal provision of organization and interaction within the current model of political and territorial interaction. The research object is social relations within the constitutional provisions defining the legal status of public authorities of the Virgin Islands. The basic research method is comparative-legal. The results of the research help detect differences, similarities and problem aspects of the constitutional status of the Virgin Islands as a British overseas territory. This study is the first study of this issue in Russian constitutional legal science. It considers the problems of the constitutional status of the Virgin Islands as a British overseas territory. The author concludes that in the Virgin Islands there exists a ministerialist system in which the leading role in the formation and implementation of the constitutional course belongs to the Cabinet. This position is substantiated by the fact that the relations between Britain and the Virgin Islands, called in the White Paper on the Overseas Territories a “partnership”, should be qualified as unitary with the elements of federative. The author substantiates the need for the constitutional consolidation of the procedure of competence division between the public authorities of Britain and the Virgin Islands by the distribution of authorities in particular spheres. The author suggests considering the possibility of ensuring the representation of the Virgin Islands Cabinet in the British Government by including the corresponding ministers. The author also suggests establishing a constitutional procedure of the House of Assembly informing the British Government about its position on the draft laws, related to the Kingdom in general, and the British Government sending the draft laws, affecting the interests of the Commonwealth, to the overseas territories. The author notes the reasonability to introduce the procedure of preliminary consultations in discussing the issues of appointing the candidates to the post of the Virgin Islands Governor. The author concludes that the preliminary discussion of Governor candidates with local authorities is appropriate in all overseas territories.

Keywords: partnership, the House of Assembly, the Cabinet, the Governor, the Constitution, the Virgin Islands, the Overseas Territories, the British monarch, Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Af, Virgin Islander

Abstract: As far as Belarusian authorities have been recently expressing their readiness to negotiate, the opinion has confirmed in Russia that Belarus has decided on Eurasian integration. But in the author’s opinion, such a confidence seems to be premature. It is not quite correct to speak about the decision without a public opinion analysis, though it doesn’t influence the real policy much yet. Besides, taking into account the ambiguous history of the political dialogue between the two countries, the longevity and the apriority of Belarus’s orientation towards the union with Russia casts serious doubts. The study is based mainly on the analysis of the transformation of public preferences in Belarus using sociological survey’s data. The scientific novelty of the study consists in the fact that after the latest presidential election in Belarus, the new sociological trends can appear which would influence the country’s foreign policy more profoundly. Russian expert and political community not always notice the inner Belarusian transformations. But Ukraine’s experience had shown that these transformations hold a serious potential of influence on the country’s development including the external and integration aspects, which are so important for Russia. 

Keywords: power, balancing, NGO, Soft power, Integration, Choice, Society, Belarus, Relations with Russia, EEU

Abstract: The paper analyzes the roots of the 2015 immigration crisis in the EU and briefly describes the dynamics of the events. The author generalizes the results of the study of the Conservative Party’s immigration policy of 2010 – 2015, the main measures, and the prospects of this policy. The author studies immigration situation in Great Britain in 2010 – 2014: its dynamics, the regions and countries of migratory flows, the main ways of entering the country. Special attention is paid to the role of the migration issue and the problem of Britain’s membership of the EU in the internal political competition before and after the parliamentary election of May 2015. The research methodology is based on the problem-historical and structural-functional approaches, the methods of comparative analysis, observation, synthesis, and deduction. British authorities are not willing to stick to the all-European practice of refugees acceptance, and are planning to pursue their own immigration policy oriented towards the protection of national interests. It should be taken into account that the British economy needs for the continuous labour migrants inflow, and migration is admitted unavoidable. The Conservative Party hadn’t revised their immigration policy in 2010 – 2014, and in the late 2014 they admitted the failure of the policy aimed at the significant decrease of immigration. Probably, in 2016 – 2017 the ruling party will also confine itself to half measures and populist promises. At present it is hard to evaluate all possible consequences of the ongoing immigration crisis in the EU. But even if Britain retains its membership of the EU after the referendum of 23 June 2016, we may state that Western Europe is facing the age of large-scale internal and external changes with unpredictable results. 

Keywords: world policy, David Cameron, Syria, refugees, migration, Great Britain, EU, international relations, the Conservative Party, global instability

Abstract: The ALBA member-states’ public diplomacy in the Middle East is one of the top-priority foreign policy guidelines of the ALBA member-states in their asymmetric informational confrontation with the USA. During the period of 2006 – 2013 the ALBA member-states had been influencing the international Mass Media in order to form a negative reputation of the USA. The strengthening foreign-policy dialogue between the ALBA member-states and Syria, which unites two regions on the base of resistance to the unipolar influence of the USA, opens the perspectives for the formation of new centers of power, which will be opposed to the existing unipolarity. The methodology of the research is based on the system, structural-functional, comparative-historical, and comparative-political approaches, and on the methods of analysis, synthesis, induction, deduction, modeling, inclusive observation, and dialectics. In 2004 nine countries of Latin America and the Caribbean – Bolivia, Venezuela, Cuba, Ecuador, Nicaragua, Dominica, Antigua and Barbuda, Saint Vincent and the Grenadines – created the international organization and the sub-regional integration association the ALBA – the Bolivarian Alliance for the Peoples of Our America (Alianza Bolivariana para los Pueblos de Nuestra America). Hugo Chavez and Fidel Castro initiated its creation.

Keywords: international relations, foreign policy, the ALBA, public diplomacy, Syria, new Mass Media, the USA, information confrontation, strategic cooperation, security

Abstract: The article considers the problem of the development of relations between the states, included in the suggested by the USA in 1980s list of the so-called “rogue states”. The author carries out their comparative analysis and studies the process of building of the long-term allied relations between them on the example of the interactions between Libyan Jamahiriya and the Islamic Republic of Iran in the last decade of the 20th – the early 21st century. The article considers the influence of ideological guidelines and internal and external political conditions on the formation of the foreign policies of Tripoli and Tehran on the post-revolution stage of development. The chronological limits of the research include the period from the 1970s till the early 2000s. The reconstruction of the events is based on the results of the analysis of a wide range of resources, and the experience of the Russian, the Soviet, and the foreign schools of oriental studies. Using his own methodological approach, the author studies the problem of the particular “rogue states” relations from a practical point of view, when the research concentrates on the dynamics of development of bilateral relations between Libyan Jamahiriya of Muammar Gaddafi and the Islamic Republic of Iran after the Islamic revolution of 1978-1979.

Keywords: Libya, Iran, foreign policy, the rogue states, weapons of mass destruction, terrorism, Islamism, Gaddafi, Khomeini, history.

Abstract: The article presents analysis of the developments in the situation in Georgia after the Presidential elections of 2013, priorities of its foreign policy, taking into account the initiating of the Association Agreement with the European Union, course towards the strategic partnership with the USA, changes in the Georgian relations with Russia. The article discusses topical issues in the sphere of relations between Georgia and the Republic of Abkhazia, and Southern Ossetia. The author defines the important problems in the domestic policy of Georgia and the perspectives for their resolution. In the last two years there were significant events in Georgia, which is duly regarded as one of the least sustainable states in the post-Soviet territory. As a result of the parliamentary elections in 2012 for the first time in Georgia the opposition represented by the “Georgian Dream” alliance gained parliamentary majority. It also managed to form the government, which was in opposition with the head of the state. The results of the Presidential elections of 2013, where the victory belonged to the representative of “Georgian Dream” G. Margelashvili put the end to almost a decade of rule of M. Saakashvili, who had to leave the country due to the threat of possible criminal investigation.

Keywords: international relations, foreign politics, Georgia, Georgian-Ossetian conflict, “Georgian Dream” coalition, economics, Russia, Georgian-Abkhazian conflict, domestic political problems, security.

Abstract: The article contains comparative analysis of the classifications of forms of government and their elements in the political science. The authors studies viability of application of the Western political science instruments for the identification of processes and institutions in the post-Soviet political landscape. The readers are provided with the in-depth theoretical description of presidentialism, parliamentarism, semi-presidentialism based upon the generalization and analysis of a large number of foreign sources, and the author also provides analysis of positive and negative features of each of these forms of government. The article contains description of practical experience of implementation of forms of government in the newly independent states formed after the break-up of the Soviet Union. Taking examples of Azerbaijan, Geogia, Kazakhstan, Moldova and Russia the author analyzes the regional specificities of government modernization. Most attention is paid to the Russian Federation, the author discusses historic and cultural prerequisites of the current form of government. The author also studies the issue of the degree of involvement of the citizens of the newly independent states in solving the political problems in their countries.

Keywords: international relations, foreign policy, Russia, the CIS, political regimes, diplomacy, post-Soviet, interests, values, security.

Abstract: The Iranian people shall elect the 7th President of Iran on June 14, 2013. The incumbent President Ahmadinejad shall not be able to participate in elections for the 3rd time in a row. The stat is awaiting a new President, whose personality shall have a considerable impact on the further political course of Iran. This time the support of the spiritual leader Xameneyi cannot be viewed as a 100% guarantee for a presidential candidate. What is awaiting Iran in these elections? Shall the US sanctions be able to provoke the mass disturbances? What measures shall President Ahmadinejad take to protect his political heritage? Should we worry about the “Persian Summer of 2013”? The article includes attempts to respond to these questions and to give a type of an “early warning”.

Keywords: political science, international relations, Iran, Ahmadinejad, elections, security, stability, conflict, opposition, the US sanctions.

Abstract: The XXI century became a turning point in the political history of many Latin American states including Ecuador. It was related to the “turn left”, which was the time when the leftist governments came to the political power in a number of the Latin American states. While not departing from the framework of the market economy, the President enlarged the state sector in the national economy, which facilitated the social reforms, which were aimed improve the well-being of the Ecuadorian society.

Keywords: political science, Ecuador, turn left, politics, Latin America, Bolivarian initiative, the USA, the international relations, the interests, the values.

Abstract: The article is devoted to the historical, political and legal factors for the economic integration of the European and American states into the unions, such as the EU, the NAFTA, and the Mercosur. The author takes a retrospective view on the ideas, prerequisites and primary landmarks of the uniting strategies on the European and American continents, analyzes the modern tendencies. Attention is paid to the interactions between the NAFTA the EU, and the Mercosur, as well as with the other results of the uniting strategy in the American continent (such as the ALADI, the ALCA, etc.). The goal of the study is to show the patterns of development of the integration processes in North America and in Europe. The author uses comparative legal method, as well as historical, dialectic methods, and specialized scientific methods. The methodology of study provides a view on the objective and subjective provisions of processes. The overview of the integration processes in Europe and American continent allows showing the patterns of state integration.

Keywords: political science, comparative legal studies, integration, Europe, the American continent, the EU, the NAFTA, the Mercosur.

Abstract: The European mass media are the key sources of formation of the social opinion on the ALBA states. Currently the mass media have became one of the strongest means for the political mobilization. In this article the author attempts to provide systematic analysis of the leading mass media in the EU in order to show the perspectives and difficulties of the foreign political relations between the ALBA and the EU. When working with mass media sources, one should keep in mind, that they always act within the frameworks of limitations and pressures from their owners, editors and economic interests. Additionally, while evaluating the discussion of international news by the European mass media (and more specifically, the news regarding the ALBA states), one should keep in mind, that currently most European mass media, such as the British The Guardian, Italian Liberazione, La Repubblica, French l’Humanité, Le Monde diplomatique, Libération, Spanish El País, are Leftist and Liberal in their views.

Keywords: political science, Latin America, “turn left”, mass media, politics, Bolivarian initiative, conflicts, international relations, national interests, values.

Abstract: The Central Asian region which includes the former USSR republics and currently independent states of Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Kirgizia, Tajikistan and Turkmenistan has became one of the most important centers for the geo-strategic interests of the states of global influence in the last decade of XX century and early XXI century. This region attracts more and more attention from the politicians, scientists, and military strategists. This is due first of all to its geopolitical positions, as well as to its natural riches, such as oil and gas. Turkmenistan possesses vast amounts of oil, gas, rock and potash salt, non-ferrous and rare earth metals. Uzbekistan has natural gas, brown and black coal, gold, copper, wolfram, bismuth, oil. Kazakhstan has uranium, lead, zinc, chrome, gold, copper, oil, iron, bismuth, molybdenum and phosphates, bauxites, manganese. Kirgizia has gold, mercury, black coal, oil and gas, as well as antimony. Tajikistan has uranium, oil and gas. Most of the states of this region hold leading positions in Asia on production of electric energy, chemical production, metal production.

Keywords: political science, international relations, Central Asia, military cooperation, conflicts, the NATO, the USA, security, national interests, politics.