Abstract: The subject of this study is the first general presidential election of the Fifth Republic in 1965. This is one of the key events of the presidency of General Charles de Gaulle, since for the first time since the adoption of the constitutional amendment on October 28, 1962, the elections of the head of state of France have acquired the status of universal popular vote. This presidential campaign is of particular research interest due to the fact that de Gaulle, the leader and savior of the French nation, failed to immediately collect a majority of votes in the first round of voting. Did the General's failure mark the transformation of the political behavior of the French people? And if so, why did this happen? In order to answer these questions, the author studies the peculiarities of the election campaign and the motives of the voters, which is the object of the study. There is no denying that the presidential campaign of 1965 has already been the subject of research in the works of Western scientists who appeared in the first few years after the elections, it is also described in general works on the Degoll presidency. At the same time, the influence of the peculiarities of the 1965 election campaign on the choice of voters did not become a separate topic of study. The main conclusion of this article is that the change in the motives of the French vote was associated with the new economic situation, with a new generation of young voters - children of the war era and the occupation of France. Also, the choice of the people was influenced by the widespread use of modern propaganda methods, primarily television. De Gaulle was "blackballed" in the first round largely due to the fact that he initially refused to use the possibilities of new ways of propaganda, did not at all create a more attractive, understandable image to voters, believing that his previous merits would be enough to win.

Keywords: political struggle, transformation of voter behavior, presidential campaign, political image, public sentiment, reasons for voting, election tactics, methods of propaganda, presidential elections, The Fifth Republic

Abstract: The subject of this article is the activity of the political party "Ittifaq-el-Muslimin" - a Muslim liberal party, the majority of whose members consisted of representatives of the Tatar population of Russia at the beginning of the twentieth century. Tatar liberalism, in whose ideology the question of religion occupied one of their main places, was formed in 1905 - 1906. Its formation is connected with the holding of illegal All-Russian Muslim congresses. Sadri Maksudi, Yusuf Akchura, Gayah Ishaki and M. Bigi were at the origins of this congress. The Ittifaq-el-Muslimin party was formed at the III illegal All-Russian Muslim Congress on the basis of the previously formed All-Russian Muslim Union. This article is devoted to the activities of the Muslim Liberal Party and the consideration of the role of state-confessional relation. The main contribution of the author to the study lies in the revealing of the history and the role of the religio in the ideology and activities of national-religious liberal political parties in Russia at the beginning of the twentieth century on the example of the Ittifaq-el-Muslimin party. In addition, the activity of the party is considered in the context of the all-Russian party system of 1905 - 1917. As a result of the research, the author came to the following conclusions. Despite the official legal consolidation of the concept of freedom of conscience, the Orthodox Church continued to maintain its dominant position. At the same time, representatives of other faiths (in particular, Old Believers and Muslims) were granted the right to freely preach their own religious beliefs, create public associations, freely carry out educational activities, and take part in the political life of Russia. The transformation of state-confessional relations is considered on the example of the formation of the Muslim liberal Party and its activities in the system of political relations of the Russian Empire at the beginning of the twentieth century.

Keywords: The State Duma, Tatars, Ittifaq-al-muslimeen, Political party, State-confessional relations, Islam, The Russian Empire, Orthodoxy, Liberalism, Right

Abstract: The authors study the discussion on the relationship between parliament and voters in the English journalism of the beginning of the XVIII century. The authors consider one of the attempts of English voters to influence the policy of the already elected parliament – the "Kent Petition" of 1701, the authors of which sought to get the English Parliament to finance military preparations. The petition led to a large-scale discussion on the relationship between parliament and voters, the very ability of the latter to influence the activities of a representative body outside the election procedure. The arguments of the participants in this dispute are the focus of this article. Based on a wide range of sources, it is concluded that the problem of the relationship between parliament and voters became particularly relevant after the "Glorious Revolution" of 1688-1689, when the practice of regular convocation of parliament was established. The article shows that the discussion was conducted by supporters of early English "parties" - groups of Whigs and Tories. If the Whigs defended the right of voters to influence the policy of parliamentarians, the Tories considered such a practice risky and dangerous. The authors note the influence of the concepts of political thought that were widespread at that time on the positions of the parties: for example, the Whigs used the idea of a "social contract", while the Tories relied in their writings on the principle of "balance" between the elements of the English political system.

Keywords: public thought, whigs, tory, the idea of a social contract, Daniel Defoe, parliamentarism, history of Great Britain, journalism, Thomas Hobbes, John Locke

Abstract: The subject of the study is non-government initiatives and projects in the field of environmental protection in the Caspian Sea in the post-Soviet period of history. The purpose of the article is to characterize and evaluate these initiatives and projects, as well as to determine the conditions for their progressive development within the framework of the Caspian agenda. Author uses such methods of historical research as retrospective analysis, comparative analysis, document analysis, as well as a systematic approach and the method of expert assessments. The author analyzes the following aspects of the topic: changes in the reaction of the active part of the society of the Caspian countries to environmental problems in the post-Soviet period, the formation of ecological consciousness and ecological culture of the post-Soviet Caspian societies, the role of non-government initiatives and projects in the formation of ecological culture and country environmental policy, awareness of the active part of the societies of the countries of the region of the key problems of environmental protection in the Caspian Sea. As a result of the analysis, the key shortcomings of environmental policy in the civil sector of the Caspian countries are identified, which is the novelty of the study and the author's contribution to the study of the topic. According to the results of the study, the development of non-government initiatives in the field of environmental protection is possible provided that a unified coordinated environmental policy is implemented in the Caspian region, public control is strengthened, criteria for the effectiveness of volunteer initiatives are determined, formats for full-fledged interaction of non-government structures of the five Caspian littoral countries are developed, a unified environmental monitoring system and a common information and media space are created. It is stated that the role of non-government initiatives in the eco-policy in the Caspian Sea will steadily increase.

Keywords: environmental awareness, public initiatives, public organizations, environmental protection activities, Caspian countries, Caspian Sea, Caspian, ecological culture, ecology, environmental policy

Abstract: The article examines in detail the specifics of the historian's work with historical sources within the framework of virtual reconstruction projects of historical and cultural heritage objects. The author of the research reflects the basic classification of 3D reconstruction projects carried out by employees and students of the Department of Historical Informatics of the Faculty of History of Lomonosov Moscow State University. The paper highlights the main problems of using scientific and technical documentation and graphic sources, as well as ways to solve these problems. The main example of such projects were virtual reconstructions of estate complexes near Moscow, carried out by students of the department in cooperation with the Central State Archive of the Moscow Region (TSAMO). The author of this work, as a participant in one of the "manor" projects of virtual reconstructions, took part in the discussion and solving problems of working with historical sources selected for research. In 2020, the project participants created five virtual reconstructions of suburban estate complexes, work continues on other objects. The heterogeneous information obtained by researchers from sources was supplemented with photographic materials taken during visits to the facilities. The article notes the verifiability of these projects due to the synthesis of historical sources of different taxonomies. In the end of the research, the author draws conclusions about the prospects of virtual reconstruction project and its role in the study of the phenomenon of the noble estate of the Moscow region.

Keywords: Moscow oblast, Three-dimensional modeling, History, Historical informatics, Graphic sources, Suburban estates, Scientific and technical documentation, Cultural heritage, Virtual reconstructions, Source studies

Abstract: King James I of England was a supporter of the peacemaking policy, which he decided to implement with the help of matrimonial ties. The king planned to marry his son Charles to the Spanish Infanta Maria. This marriage did not take place, but the very turn of the King of England to pro-Spanish politics was incomprehensible to many of his contemporaries and caused heated discussions in parliament, a reaction in pamphlet literature and drama. During this period, the theater became a tool for shaping public opinion and a center for promoting political ideas. One of the most successful playwrights of the time of James I was Thomas Middleton, whose play "The Game of Chess" became the subject of this study. The purpose of the article is to analyze the playwright's views on the Anglo-Spanish relations of the 1620s, which he expressed through satirical allegory. The play "A Game at Chess" is important for analyzing the role of the public theater in shaping public opinion on the political strategy of King James I at the beginning of the XVII century. Turning to the play as a source makes it possible to analyze the ideas of English intellectuals of that time about Spain and relations with it, and to identify the features of the reign of James I, expressed in an unusual form. In the course of studying this topic, it became clear that Prince Charles's personal trip to Madrid and rapprochement with Spain were justified in the eyes of the English people precisely through the public display of the play, and the King of England himself was presented as the main peacemaker, whom the power-hungry Spaniards tried to deceive. Middleton's ideas hostile to Spain were widely spread among the British, which speaks of the play not only as a way of forming the opinion of society, but also its reflection.

Keywords: A Game at Chess, Thomas Middleton, Travel to Madrid, Count Gondomar, Prince Charles, James I, Peacekeeping policy, The beginning of the XVII century, Spain, England

Abstract: The political repressions of the Soviet era became one of the traumatic events for society, despite the past years, the assessment of their causes and consequences remains an important element of political discourse. Although the state authorities condemn them and define them as a crime, they focus on the achievements of the Soviet era. Against this background, political parties, within the framework of forming their own memory policy, have proposed different approaches to this tragic event of national history. The author of the article analyzes the attitude of parties to the causes and consequences of political repression, highlights certain features of the image they have formed and differences from the generally accepted assessment, suggestions for comment. The main sources were the programs of the most popular parties, interviews and publications of their leaders. The main conclusion of the study is the lack of a unified approach of modern parties to the problem of political repression. We can conditionally distinguish two large groups. The first group (the Communist Party, "Motherland", "Communists of Russia") is characterized by the recognition of repression as falsified or overestimated in order to discredit I.V. Stalin, whose image these parties largely mythologize. If individual violations of the rule of law are recognized, they are explained by the supreme necessity (modernization, preparation for war, the fight against conspiracy). The second group consists of parties condemning repression as an unjustified crime against the people. This group is not homogeneous: some ("Just Russia", "United Russia", to some extent LDPR) believe that this topic has been studied as a whole and it is enough to maintain the current commemorative practice; others (PARNAS, "Yabloko") expand the scope of repression for almost the entire existence of the USSR, insist on large-scale de-Stalinization and decommunization, referring to the practices of the historical policy of the countries of Eastern Europe.

Keywords: Fair Russia, Apple, United Russia, historical memory, historical politics, Political repression, Communist Party, LDPR, PARNASSUS, Homeland