Abstract: In the context of increasingly intensive digitalization, cybersecurity is becoming a key element of the global political agenda. The United States, being the birthplace of the Internet and leaders in the field of information technology, significantly influences the formation of global standards for cybersecurity management. This article presents an analysis of American official documents to assess changes in the Biden administration's cybersecurity policy and their potential impact on international relations and global cyberspace management standards. The analysis begins with a review of the market-oriented approach of the Clinton era, moves on to the strategic inclusion of cybersecurity in the national security architecture under the Bush administration, and also concerns the differences in the approaches of the Obama and Trump administrations. Special attention is paid to a detailed review of the Biden administration's "National Cybersecurity Strategy," highlighting innovations in strengthening network regulation, deepening cooperation between the state and the private sector, and reforming cybersecurity responsibility. The article also explores how these changes may affect international standards in the field of cybersecurity, and analyzes the strategic importance and global implications of cooperation between China and Russia in this area, justifying their importance for the future global governance of cyberspace. The research methodology is based on the analysis of official documents and strategies of the US administration in the field of cybersecurity. The article identifies trends and strategic changes, assessing their global impact and interaction with the private sector. The scientific novelty of this article is expressed in a thorough analysis of the reform of the cybersecurity strategy under the Biden administration, especially in the context of its impact on international relations and global standards of cyberspace management. The study reveals the deepening of interaction between the state and the private sector, as well as the strengthening of regulatory mechanisms, which differs from previous approaches based on a voluntary basis. Special attention is paid to the trend of global network security transition from a single model to multi-level cooperation and competition. The article emphasizes that the introduction of a zero-trust framework can provoke global changes that enhance the complexity and diversity of international relations in the field of cybersecurity. The main conclusion of the work is the recognition of the strategic importance of cooperation between China and Russia in cybersecurity, which significantly affects the global management of cyberspace and emphasizes the need for international coordination in this area.

Keywords: National Cybersecurity Strategy, Global cybersecurity governance, Cooperation in cyber policy, International cyber relations, digital sovereignty, Zero Trust model, information era security, Biden administration's cybersecurity, cybersecurity, cybersecurity management

Abstract: Artificial intelligence (AI) is becoming an increasingly important factor in the dynamics of international relations and the transformation of war in the 21st century. Of particular interest is the analysis of the political development of the AI ​​program in China, which sees "smart" technologies as the most important means of achieving its project of "new type of international relations". This paper attempts to explore the prospects for the use of AI by China in the framework of the Sino-American political war in the context of China's foreign policy strategy. Based on the analysis of regulatory documents, the institutional transformation of the PRC in recent decades, and the conceptual foundations of China's foreign policy course, three most promising dimensions of the Sino-American AI confrontation are identified: strategic control over spaces, the creation of dual-use bases, and the formation of an international agenda beneficial to China. First, China can use AI to advance its interests in the Indo-Pacific through the concept of “deterrence through detection,” as well as the use of swarm intelligence. Second, China can both access natural resources in the Arctic and ocean trenches and project its influence in these regions and shape the norms of behavior in them. Third, China can use AI to exercise its “discursive power” through a variety of methods: from creating meta-norms in the field of global AI governance to using “smart” bots for “dialogue propaganda” among Internet users and even using the potential of strong AI to generate new “Confucian-Marxist” political concepts. The article also concludes with recommendations regarding potential tracks of Sino-Russian AI cooperation: Russia's involvement in the Chinese military-civil integration program, coordination of discursive confrontation with the United States using "smart" technologies, as well as cooperation on the Arctic issue.

Keywords: three warfares, discourse power, strategic stability, deterrence by detection, global AI governance, US-China rivalry, intelligentized warfare, political warfare, artificial intelligence, dual-use base

Abstract: This article explores the dynamics of minilateral institutions such as the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (QUAD) and the Trilateral Security Partnership (AUKUS). As the global order shifts from unipolarity to multipolarity, finding truly “like-minded” allies for strategic coordination remains a challenging task. Thus, states as hedgers deploy signaling and tactical hedging to build mutual trust and “like-minded allies”. The revival of QUAD in 2017 was a response to strategic competition in the Indo-Pacific region, where China is increasingly influencing the regional security architecture. The recent creation of AUKUS can be seen as a tactical hedging by the US, UK and Australia against challenges from China in the South China Sea disputes. In this article, signaling and tactical hedging approaches are considered as a means of assessing the readiness of allies to cooperate in a minilateral format. Minilateral partnerships facilitate cooperation among key regional actors, while signaling mechanisms are used to convey intentions and deter adversaries. Additionally, the concept of tactical hedging is analyzed, highlighting the nuanced strategies used by countries to navigate a complex security environment. The analysis shows that states resort to tactical signaling and hedging maneuvers to advance their interests and limit the influence of competitors, while avoiding unnecessary confrontation. For instance, the implications of minilateralism extend beyond mere military cooperation; they also encompass economic and diplomatic dimensions that can shape regional stability. For instance, while QUAD emphasizes a Free and Open Indo-Pacific (FOIP), its focus on non-traditional security issues such as climate change and health policy. Minilateral formats like QUAD and AUKUS are thus increasingly important as flexible cooperation tools for regulating security in the region. By exploring these interrelated elements, the article aims to provide insights into the evolving security architecture of QUAD and AUKUS in the Indo-Pacific.

Keywords: Japan, Australia, USA, multilateralism, tactical hedging, Indo-Pacific region, minilateralism, signaling, Quad, AUKUS

Abstract: The article examines the formation of Russia's external image among the student youth of contemporary Germany. It focuses on the perception of Russia through ten factors, including political and economic aspects, the dialogue of science and culture, historical and socio-cultural contexts, the role of resources, technological cooperation, and others. Special attention is given to the dynamics of perception from the 1990s to the present day, revealing changes in Russia's image linked to historical and social events. The study uniquely compares objective factors shaping the country's image with subjective, personally significant aspects of perception identified among students of German-speaking universities studying the Russian language and Russian history. To achieve the research objectives, methods such as surveys, ranking, analysis, synthesis, and scientific generalization were employed. The survey targeted students of German-speaking universities specializing in Russian language and history to uncover both objective and subjective factors influencing Russia's image. The scientific novelty lies in developing a periodization of changing attitudes toward Russia in the West, based on external and internal events in the country and globally. For the first time, the perception of Russia's image is analyzed dynamically, combining objective factors with subjective aspects significant to students. The results highlight a paradigm shift in perception, shaping a new image of Russia. The study concludes that, despite challenges, there is significant potential to strengthen Russia's positive image, fostering long-term relations between Russia and Germany. This research holds both practical and theoretical significance, offering new perspectives for studying intercultural interactions.

Keywords: perception, Historical context, modeling, youth, economic factors, political factors, socio-cultural, dynamic image, image of Russia, external image

Abstract: The subject of the study is financial instruments of international political influence, namely their political effectiveness and side effects for states that have decided to use them. Today, there is a growing body of empirical evidence indicating that the United States is experiencing negative consequences from the use of financial instruments in order to realize its foreign policy interests. There are scientific papers devoted to such topics and issues as positive financial instruments, reverse results and negative reactions of financial coercion. The new reality opens up additional opportunities for a number of countries, including Russia, to assert multipolarity and strengthen their role in the emerging world order. All this actualizes the political science analysis of the consequences of using financial instruments, as well as attempts to systematize the accumulated knowledge in this area. The methodological basis of the research focuses on the concept of global monetary power, competition and the concept of instrumentalization of economic interdependence, which are developing in modern political science. The methods of comparison, content analysis and classification were used, which made it possible to substantiate the concept of "political effectiveness of financial instruments" and systematize certain political and economic consequences of the use of such tools, in particular the United States. The authors conclude that the use of financial instruments by the United States has a negative impact not only on the global financial system that they support, but also on Washington's international political reputation. The United States, using financial instruments, often in a disorderly manner, encounters resistance from those against whom it turns financial pressure. Against the background of all these events, confidence in the existing global financial system is being undermined. There is an increase in the attention of individual countries to gold, the refusal of a number of states from the dollar in international settlements, as well as the deployment of the process of searching for alternatives to the existing hubs of the global financial system, which the United States is trying to use for its international political purposes. In these circumstances, Russia's task is to take advantage of the new opportunities created by the financial and political miscalculations of the United States.

Keywords: monetary multipolarity, international political reputation, financial pressure, backfires, international political influence, sanctions, foreign policy tools, foreign policy, financial instruments, global financial system

Abstract: The subject of the study is international non-governmental organizations (INGOs), considered as an analytical unit of such a paradigm of international relations research as constructivism. Unlike neorealism and neoliberalism, competing theoretical schools that generally do not leave a place for INGOs in their constructions, constructivism allows for the possibility of participation of such organizations in world politics, giving them the role of conductors of various ideas, principles and agendas that could potentially lead to political changes. Nevertheless, INGOs are not conceptualized by constructivism as some kind of "free" actors whose activities are not limited to anyone. When states finance INGOs, they often set certain tasks for them, delegate certain functions to them, or even openly use them as a means of realizing their international political interests. The research methodology is formed by the works of K. Waltz, J. Mearsheimer, J. Ikenberry, A. Wendt, which serve as the foundation of the leading paradigms in the study of international relations (neorealism, neoliberalism, constructivism). The main conclusions of the completed study can be considered as follows. Neorealism demonstrate a certain indifference to the INGOs. Neorealism views states fighting each other as some kind of "black boxes". Since INGOs are based in a particular state, they find themselves inside this very "black box", not deserving of research attention, unlike the great powers. According to the provisions of neoliberalism, global peace and cooperation are possible only with the spread and development of international institutions, which are initiated and controlled by the leading states, which, therefore, deserve priority research attention. Constructivism, on the contrary, allows for the international political significance of INGOs that participate in the formation of identities, in the promotion of ideas and principles, and in the performance of roles that can initiate political change.

Keywords: global civil society, dependency relations, international political influence, world politics, neorealism, neoliberalism, constructivism, methodology of political science, non-state actors, international non-governmental organizations

Abstract: Japan-China cultural ties in the 1970s and 1980s received a powerful impetus for development against the background of strengthening bilateral relations in the 1970s and the beginning of a turn in Chinese foreign policy towards increasing ties with market economies. Traditionally, cultural transfer from China to Japan has occupied in the center of contacts between two states, but in the 20th century, political relations and cultural dialogue have undergone a series of dramatic changes. After the end of the Second World War, despite ideological contradictions, cultural contacts between China and Japan expanded steadily. The purpose of this article is to study the development of cultural dialogue between Japan and China during 15 years following the normalization of Japanese-Chinese relations in 1972, by exploring three channels of diplomacy: the official cultural activities of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, cultural diplomacy of public organizations and the creative and cultural activities of the chairman of the Japanese Pen Club Inoue Yasushi, who acted as a representative the part of the intellectual elite of Japan that was set up in favor of dialogue with the PRC. The article highlights three stages of the formation of Japanese-Chinese cultural contacts in the 1950s – 1980s, gives their characteristics and reveals the main content of contacts at the civil level, highlights important cultural projects, for example, a special project to study and highlight the history of the Great Silk Road in China. The channel of civil cultural diplomacy and the personal role of Inoue Yasushi played a significant role in building a constructive Japanese-Chinese dialogue against the background of a shortage of official ties between the two countries in the 1950s – 1980s.

Keywords: Western Region, youth exchanges, international projects, civil diplomacy, cultural diplomacy, Inoue Yasushi, Silk Road, Japanese-Chinese cultural relations, Japanese pen Club, international relations